Amit Misra

The Telegraph review was published on Feb. 21, 2003 and the Indian Express review was published on Mar. 9, 2003.
Please forgive me if I am not around to respond to replies if any: its a long weekend and I'm going on vacation...
Amit
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IN THE BEGINNING WAS THE DESIGN
Bhaswati Chakravorty


If looks could kill
vishva hindu parishad and indian politics By Manjari Katju, Orient Longman, Rs 350

Precise and restrained, Manjari Katju’s story of the growth of the Vishwa Hindu Parishad from a slightly muddleheaded offspring of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh to the aggressive Hindutva army of today runs into eight chapters and five illuminating appendices. Katju’s “deeper involvement” with the research for her thesis, which forms the basis of this book, was encouraged by the close association her grandfather, Shiv Nath Katju, had with the VHP from its earliest phases. So it is not surprising that some of the richest ore in the book is drawn from interviews with VHP leaders and activists, whose profiles are provided in an appendix.

The history of the VHP provides Katju with a tool to inquire into the “the spectacular expansion of the popular base of Hindu nationalist politics in the late 1980s and the early 1990s”. Out of the record and analysis of facts emerge the principles on which Hindutva is based. This is invaluable for an understanding of the India of 2003 and the immediate future, especially since the study also shows how the changing emphases in Indian politics from the Sixties to the Nineties fed substantially into the Hindu nationalist text.

The rationale behind the VHP’s formation was the relatively innocent one of social mobilization. The RSS felt the need for a body which would work close to the ground in cosy, neighbourly units, in order to bring about awareness and a feeling of unity among those who felt themselves to be Hindus. Part of the VHP’s early programme was also to integrate Hindus abroad. The VHP was expected to capture, through its socio-cultural agenda, people who would feel uncomfortable to associate with the RSS. The story of the RSS’s relationship with the VHP is in itself a fascinating one, with the parent — waiting to see if its ambitious design will be realized — guiding and nurturing the fledgling until it discovers its own, perfectly compatible, direction. This is also the story of how a reformist impulse was gradually vitiated by regressively conservative values.

Katju gently lays bare the sinister by tracing the growing need to find a focus for an apparently socio-cultural movement. The VHP’s recreation of the patient Ram as the aggressive defender of virtue — preserved in the imagined value system of the Hindu — is an excellent example of history being restructured by myth production. At the heart of the politicizing of religion lies an immensely useful paranoia, directed against the two “foreign” faiths, Islam and Christianity. The definition of the new Hindu is predicated solely upon this “other”. All the development programmes undertaken by the VHP, ranging from education to “reconversion”, are directed towards “protecting” an endangered Hinduism from the greedy onslaught of these other faiths.

What is most engaging are the extracts from interviews and articles. The hysterical spewing of venom is modulated by smooth slips in rhetoric. Out of such alternation is created a carefully balanced edifice of double standards, so that the point at which the categories of Hindu and Indian collapse into each other is barely noticeable.

This brilliant doubleness underlies the forming of the dharma sansad, the advisory body of sadhus who are supposed to have renounced the world. The privileging of a religious extra-constitutional authority is symbolic of the sangh parivar’s undermining of constitutional principles. For the parivar, democracy is the rule of the majority. Without the least fuss, Katju makes clear that this is not a difference of perception, it is a political agenda.

BHASWATI CHAKRAVORTY





Sunday, March 09, 2003

The Word


The United Colours Of Saffron

Sagarika Ghose


Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics
By Manjari Katju
Orient Longman
Rs 350
Over the last decade, the organised Left has ceded the protest space in Indian politics. Where it is the traditional duty of Left-leaning parties to lead marches and continually sound dissenting voices against the establishment, today it is the saffron forces led by groups such as the Vishva Hindu Parishad and the Bajrang Dal that have taken on the mantle of a protest movement in their crusade to Hinduise democracy and society. Whether in protests against films, the visit of the Pope, social practices and economic policies, VHP cadres are in the forefront of these agitations, colouring them, sadly, with religious fervour and often obscuring the real point. Protests against pornography or against globalisation, for example, when they get co-opted by the VHP, lose their effectiveness and become simply campaigns to advance a narrow Hindu cause.
Yet, given its significance, the VHP movement has not been studied as thoroughly as it needed to be, not only for the transformative power it has had over a diverse section of Hindu thought but also for the manner in which it has, many are agreed, successfully altered the Nehruvian definition of secularism. Vishva Hindu Parishad and Indian Politics is a slim book, and a lucid, straightforward narrative of the manner in which the VHP transformed itself from a loose, low-profile group formed to basically aid the RSS in preserving Hindu dharma in the diaspora as well as check Christian proselytisation among tribals to its present avatar as a trenchant protester against the entire edifice of the Indian Constitution.

Katju tries to keep her voice as non-ideological as possible. Although she notes the fascist tendency of the VHP in its subversion of the principles of Indian democracy by insisting that Hindus form the “permanent majority” and by centering Indian history on the life of “the Hindu”, she also notes the manner in which it calibrates its speeches by appealing to different constituencies on different platforms. While the aggressive Ram rhetoric is used in North India, in the Northeast she finds the message is much more activist and welfarist. She emphasises the fact that the VHP is born not only from communal politics but also from the large sections who find themselves left out of the prosperity

of middle-class India and the successful green revolution farmers.

The book is mercifully free of the numbing academic speak with which scholarly inquiries into Indian politics have become associated. Instead the simple linear tale moving from the foundation in 1964, the pre-Hindutva phase, the radicalisation wrought by the Meenaskshipuran conversions of 1981 to the demolition of the Babri Masjid is fluently written, although in certain parts, reads something like a newspaper report.

The hate-filled ideology and violent actions of the VHP as well as the Bajrang Dal are interpreted as part of the RSS plan to consolidate the Hindu community for the sake of electoral benefit. In this context, Rithambhara’s technological extremism appears as a master performance to seek a mass constituency rather than a stance born from personal conviction. The book neglects the individual biographies of the chief actors in the VHP drama yet provides examples of their immense talents in pulling crowds. Notwithstanding mobilisation, however, Katju concludes that that the VHP’s abiding legacy to India will be schism, division and communal polarisation and the overall agenda of Hindu rashtra will never bear fruit because of the diffuse jelly-like nature of Hindu society.

This is perhaps the first straight look at the VHP’s politics without casting it as a lab rat in larger studies on “communalism”. The VHP emerges as a socio-economic as much as a political movement whose anti-Christian and anti-Muslim identity is powerful in the short term, yet limiting in a longer term.



URL: http://www.indianexpress.com/full_st...ntent_id=19796

hinduwoman

In the thread "Is there a Hindu left"? I have posted an article by Sagarika Bose how VHP is a violent protest of lower castes against the upper castes.

As for VHP being limiting, we shall see how things go and if it changes, because I noticed that RSs has changed somewhat. Hopefully its presence would permit moderate muslims to come forward to reform their community vigorously.

Amit Misra

...this time from AG Noorani's review of Manjari's book, that appeared in Frontline:
http://www.frontlineonnet.com/fl2006...8008707700.htm
Juicy bits:
"...Manjari Katju's able study of the VHP makes a very timely appearance. She is a Lecturer at the Department of Political Science and has conducted research at Cambridge and at the School of Oriental and African Studies in London. Her grandfather Shiv Nath Katju's close association with the VHP - he was its president in the late 1980s - probably helped in the extensive interviews she conducted...."
"The author provides a detailed description of the VHP set-up and carefully analyses its ideology. She writes that this is a revised but "condensed" version of her doctoral thesis..."
"The author perceptively poses an important issue which tends to be overlooked: "It would be interesting to probe the question of why the VHP selected Rama over a plethora of other divine beings in Hindu mythology that would also share similar attributes and similar popularity as him; for example, Shiva or Kali/Durga, or even Krishna? ...'The traditional depiction of Rama in lithographs has been accompanied by a mood of tranquillity and serenity. Even in Tulsidas' Ramacharita Manas, which is more popular as a sacred text than Valmiki's Ramayana, it is calmness and tranquillity, which are associated with Rama - he rarely assumes an angry disposition. Why is it then, contrary to Rama's usual mythical attributes, that an aggressive picture of his is publicised by the VHP? In reply to this question an activist of the VHP said that this was done to arouse a burning fervour (josh) in the Hindus.'"
"The author tears apart the spurious logic of the VHP; its claim to defend Hindus' "rights", for instance. "The preoccupation with the defence of rights of the `Hindu community' is based on a majoritarian rationale with limited regard for the culture of rights..."
"...."Moreover, these `rights' are asserted as group rights - the group takes precedence over the individual. The VHP demands individual subservience to Hindutva, and that individual conduct be totally determined by group ideology."

Manjari Katju's study is a service to the truth. Her warning is timely. "Today, the VHP is setting the agenda of Indian politics, and Rama, Krishna, etc. have become the central issues of governance, overshadowing all popular struggles centred round livelihood. This is happening even when the real demands of food, clothing, clean drinking water, shelter and basic education have not been fulfilled.

"The VHP's conception of democracy as compatible with practices violating established procedures of the democratic Indian state are fascistic symptoms. This does not mean that the Indian state has become fascist, but the VHP has been making use of the atmosphere to accelerate the demise of Indian democracy."
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Happy Holi: I'm out to seek some bhang , its legal in these parts...

phaedrus

One needs to look at the strata of the society which is swaying to the tunes of the nationalists to find one of the probable causes to the so-called 'attraction'. If everyone had money and education dont think the movement would have been so popular...the hindu 'identity' offered by these chaps does appeal to the disenchanted masses who are getting increasingly frustrated at the divide between economic classes in this country. But the recent clashes in Godhra, where one could see the middle class (both men and women!!!) exhibit their hatred suggests that the malaise is spreading. I think the southern part of the country is as of today, relatively less-affected by the nationalism or jingoism trend. It was the hindi belt and now it is spreading. India - will it stay a secular nation?

You can have a look at this article which sort of makes sense...we cant do away with religion...its too far ingrained in our society.....the authors makes some sense
The Global Rich and the Global Poor: Seeking the Middle Path

Amit Misra

Two points of mild disagreement. One: a simple economic analysis is not sufficient to describe the rise of fascist Hinduttva. While unemployment has contributed significantly to cadre-building among organizations like the Shiva Sena, Bajrang Dal and VHP, its the middle-class backbone that holds up the entire movement. The Gujarat murderers actually paid poor people to join in the pogrom. The VHP continues to pay stipends to families whose kin were killed in the attack on the Babri mosque in 1990.
Two: religion is an unlikely to find middle ground for society. In my view, it shall continue to be the single most important divisive factor in human society. Which is, of course, not to say that humanity suddenly rendered irreligious would establish some kind of utopia. We'll find other things to squabble about!

Hinduthvaite

An academic analysis. But connections spring from pre-formualted mental realms. VHP provides tribal education so how does that help a 'Fascist' agenda? What do these academics and reviewers mean by Fascist agenda? Recently Father Xavier SJ has given an interview to Friday Times a Pakistani magazine in which he describes his work among the Gujarat Tribals. "We teach them that they were the original inhabitants of this land and how the merchants who are Aryan invaders are exploiting them". See how a missionary uses a racist doctrine to explain the economic problems that might exist among communities. In Nagaland and Tripura same is the case. Our 'academics' have never worried about these activities, propaganda tactics used by missionaries. BBC has reported how in Tripura Hindu tribals are beings systematically uprooted by Baptist Church backed NLFT. Any analysis of 'Fascist nature of missionary propaganda and racist interpretation of ethnic identities for evangelical activities done by missionaries'? Nope. In fact compared to the funds missionaries receive to sow the seeds of pseudo-scientific racist hatred among Indian communities the funds VHP gets are peanuts. Indian Government is spendings millions of Ruppees every year to contain these secessionist activities. But all these do not seem to be Fascist or racist to our arm chair loony leftist brigade. After all Marxists are memetic cousins of Islam and Christianity. VHP and RSS have always sought dialogue with missionaries. And missioanries and Muslim intellectuals who have entered into such dialogues have found them not only non-fascists but organizations having universalism. Further conducting night schools to the children of daily wage labourers, disseminating sustainable technologies in rural India RSS organizations have been at the foreground. RSS has rebuilt Muslim houses in the killer earth quakes of 2001. Also the New Indian Express (Madras edition) has published accounst of Muslim families protected by RSS cadres during the Gujarat riots of 2002. India Today has published a local Sangh leader being assaulted by angry mobs when he protected Muslim families of the village following the burning of 58 HIndu pilgrims (mostly women and children) by Jehadis whom Indian leftists find as their ideological partners.
When a leftist loony like Amit Misra has a textual puking of what other leftist lunatic fringe academics excrete what else can be expected!

hinduwoman

Misra, why reviews? Why don't you read the book yourself and give your analysis?

As for Ram being gentle, tranquil etc. I have two things to say:
1. All spirituality is not going to wash away the fact that Ram is a warrior-god and he is always shown armed. Dussera is celebrated by burning of the effigy of the enemy that he killed.

2. Who are these people to insist that their version of Hinduism is the only right one? People have the right to interpret whatever aspect of a deity they want.


warrior god-king; freedom of interpretation

Anyway what would these people do if the VHP listens to them, dump Ram and latch onto Khandoba? Complain this god is not Brahmanical enough and so is disqualified?

hinduwoman

The VHP can be an economic movement. In India, socio-economic protest movements had always been expressed through religious medium.
However, I agree that pure class-sturggle do not cut it; a great deal of primodial emotion is involved as well.

Phaedrus, South do not have VHP, but it does have the Hindu Munani. That is why Jaylalitha won.

phaedrus

Errr...whatever gave you that impression???? As far my memory and knowledge goes. Hindu munani is a small movement (in the southern parts of TN where conversion was high ) and had nothing to do with jayalalitha's win.

And btw "south" means four states and dont think people are that gullible or naive in that part of the country

phaedrus

amit

One: a simple economic analysis is not sufficient to describe the rise of fascist Hinduttva. While unemployment has contributed significantly to cadre-building among organizations like the Shiva Sena, Bajrang Dal and VHP, its the middle-class backbone that holds up the entire movement. The Gujarat murderers actually paid poor people to join in the pogrom. The VHP continues to pay stipends to families whose kin were killed in the attack on the Babri mosque in 1990.

If you had noticed...in my post...i said 'one' of the probable causes for the rise of nationalism. Except godhra incident...havent seen enough evidence to conclude that "middle class" strata is contributing to the movement.

Two: religion is an unlikely to find middle ground for society. In my view, it shall continue to be the single most important divisive factor in human society. Which is, of course, not to say that humanity suddenly rendered irreligious would establish some kind of utopia. We'll find other things to squabble about!

Well we cant take religion out of today's society, be it in India or anywhere in the world, it is far too ingrained. India as a country has seen enough cultural invasions and religious tensions and it came out fine over time. Hopefully the same will happen in the coming days as well