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Old 09-09-2005, 01:14 PM   #111
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the_cave, if you have access to the original Greek, you might check for me if the text says that "the ones who fled" joined Aretas or Herod. The online source I have says Herod, while Whiston says Aretas. Herod would mean that those who fled merely fled from Herod during battle rather than changed sides.


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Old 09-09-2005, 01:17 PM   #112
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Originally Posted by spin
the_cave, if you have access to the original Greek, you might check for me if the text says that "the ones who fled" joined Aretas or Herod. The online source I have says Herod, while Whiston says Aretas. Herod would mean that those who fled merely fled from Herod during battle rather than changed sides.


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The original Greek of Josephus in the Niese edition is at Perseus.

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Old 09-09-2005, 01:25 PM   #113
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The original Greek of Josephus in the Niese edition is at Perseus.
Thanks Peter. That's my online source from which I got Herod!


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Old 09-09-2005, 02:26 PM   #114
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Why? Herod Antipas and Philip were brothers. Philip had supplied forces to Herod Antipas. During the battle they changed sides. How else can you explain the "betrayal/treason"?
I'll have to look this up as requested.

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Yeah, this is one of the first two options casually considered and discounted by Campbell for relatively good reasons.
Ach, you mean I actually have to read the Campbell article? Very well...

Alright, after perusing it (and a fair amount of research...) I think there's a problem here. Damascus does not seem to have been under the control of Syria at the time! In fact Pliny at about the same time as Josephus (in the Natural History) lists it as a member of the Decapolis (Campbell doesn't seem to think that Josephus agrees, but Josephus doesn't seem to think it's a part of Syria either--I know this because I searched through Josephus, and he mentions that Herod pays a visit to the "strategoi" of Damascus, when Herod himself was (supposedly) procurator of Syria! (War 1.2.1) Josephus doesn't seem to record any subsequent transfer of government for Damascus. As for the legates, wouldn't they have ruled from Antioch? So it's not impossible that Vitellus would have ignored it for the time being, or even altogether.

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This view is based on your presupposition that Aretas might have had a tetrarch physically just outside Damascus (whose aim was for some unknown reason to apprehend this politically threatening Paul).
It's a possibility, that's all. As for what Paul did to get himself into trouble, that's another good question, though if we're to trust the preceding passage, he certainly did get into a lot of trouble! This is maybe another topic.

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Yes, we do. Unless otherwise indicated, the normal usage of the verb frourew is for one in control of a place, to guard or garrison.
Well, alright, if you say so.

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The area south. The area east. Palmyra and its desert. Arabia was such a loose term that the Nabataeans were also included. This doesn't justify the notion that Aretas IV had anything directly to do with this Arabia.
Other Nabateans did--Aretas III, for example! So it's possible, that's all.
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Old 09-09-2005, 04:26 PM   #115
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Originally Posted by the_cave
Damascus does not seem to have been under the control of Syria at the time! In fact Pliny at about the same time as Josephus (in the Natural History) lists it as a member of the Decapolis (Campbell doesn't seem to think that Josephus agrees, but Josephus doesn't seem to think it's a part of Syria either--I know this because I searched through Josephus, and he mentions that Herod pays a visit to the "strategoi" of Damascus, when Herod himself was (supposedly) procurator of Syria! (War 1.2.1) Josephus doesn't seem to record any subsequent transfer of government for Damascus.
That should be 1.20.4.

AJ usually features improvements on the information in BJ (War). We read in AJ 15.10.1 that, as in BJ, Caesar gave Herod Trachonitis where the Arab "robbers" were in order to maintain order there. However, The information about Herod becoming the hegemon of Syria has been removed.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
As for the legates, wouldn't they have ruled from Antioch? So it's not impossible that Vitellus would have ignored it for the time being, or even altogether.
Yep, Vitellius worked out of Antioch.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
It's a possibility, that's all. As for what Paul did to get himself into trouble, that's another good question, though if we're to trust the preceding passage, he certainly did get into a lot of trouble! This is maybe another topic.
It's a matter of credibility of the source. One has to try the veracity of source material in order to use it.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
Well, alright, if you say so.
You can look it up yourself.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
Other Nabateans did--Aretas III, for example! So it's possible, that's all.
Oh, no. Not this "it's possible, that's all" apologetic. We're not living in the possible world. We need to deal as best as we can with reality.

Aretas III is what ostensibly 2 Cor 11:32 refers to.


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Old 09-10-2005, 07:43 AM   #116
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Originally Posted by spin
That should be 1.20.4.
I was actually thinking of 1.11.4, so I don't know how I got 1.2.1...must have been looking at something else. (Then, he visits Fabius in 1.12.1. But you're right, it's also in 1.20.4)

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AJ usually features improvements on the information in BJ (War). We read in AJ 15.10.1 that, as in BJ, Caesar gave Herod Trachonitis where the Arab "robbers" were in order to maintain order there.
Yes, I see that now. But I'm not sure we know that Josephus thought Damascus was a part of Trachonitis--for example, he mentions them separately in Ant. 1.6.4, but then gives the location of "this country", so it seems ambiguous to me.

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The information about Herod becoming the hegemon of Syria has been removed.
Which suggests that Joesphus makes mistakes (which is maybe a nice way of saying he can be flat-out wrong, unfortunately. The fact that Pliny thinks Damascus is in the Decapolis suggests Josephus could be wrong there, as well.)

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It's a matter of credibility of the source. One has to try the veracity of source material in order to use it.
And I don't know how far to trust Josephus on anything at this point!

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You can look it up yourself.
I meant the context; I don't know enough to know whether the context might change the meaning.

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Oh, no. Not this "it's possible, that's all" apologetic. We're not living in the possible world. We need to deal as best as we can with reality.
I agree, and there are some things about reality we don't know, and so we first have to determine what's possible and what's impossible.

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Aretas III is what ostensibly 2 Cor 11:32 refers to.
Yes, and that's possible. It's also possible that Damascus was not a part of Syria (because Josephus doesn't really say whether it is or not), and so Vitellius wouldn't have been concerned with it. All these things are reasonable possibilities, and have to be interpreted in light of other criteria. It seems to me more likely that Damascus was not a part of Syria, than that Paul was actually an author from the 1st century BCE. But then, there are even more possibilities than these two, and furthermore I could simply be wrong. I accept this. Some things just can't be determined one way or the other.
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Old 09-10-2005, 09:15 AM   #117
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Originally Posted by spin
Campbell starts with the assumption that the Pauline letter contains information that can be fit into the framework of assumptions already in place. He gives four scenarios each of which assumes the veracity of the information in 2 Cor 11 [edited to add: in the status quo contextualisation of circa 40 CE, using Acts and the gospels], ie he assumes his conclusion and the only choice which remains is how one gets there.
  1. the ethnarch was actually outside Damascus waiting to apprehend Paul;
  2. the ethnarch was only in charge of the Nabataean population of Damascus;
  3. the ethnarch was indeed governor of Damascus through a gift by Gaius to Aretas; and
  4. Aretas had seized Damascus after the war with Herod Antipas.
The first two disagree with the text and merely try -- approximately -- to accomodate what it says, though not causing greater speculation such as the other two scenarios (Campbell basically scuttles these two).

The third seems to be conjecture (and Campbell comes down against it: "it has no evidence in favor of it and one or two considerations in balance against it.")
The third scenario is certainly conjecture but IMHO quite plausible conjecture.

The whole account by Josephus in Antiquities book 18 ch 5 seems to require that Vitellius the governor of Syria saw the death of Tiberius and accession of Caligula as implying a shift in Imperial policy towards Aretas.

(Certainly Vitellius appears to have continued as governor of Syria for about two more years, during which he brought about successfully a major treaty with the Partians, and it is unlikely that he saw the accession of Caligula as undermining his authority in general rather than the specific hostile policy towards Aretas that Tiberius had ordered.)

Given the friendship between Aretas and Germanicus, the father of Caligula (see Tacitus Annals book 2) such a policy change would be likely and if Rome wished to adopt a pro-Nabatean policy then granting Aretas some jurisdiction over Damascus would be the obvious gesture.

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Old 09-10-2005, 02:28 PM   #118
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Originally Posted by the_cave
I'm not sure we know that Josephus thought Damascus was a part of Trachonitis--for example, he mentions them separately in Ant. 1.6.4, but then gives the location of "this country", so it seems ambiguous to me.
This is Josephus BJ 1.20.4:

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When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers [ie in Trachonitis] should be destroyed. Varro therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod
The "nest of robbers" is plainly in Trachonitis. It was given to Herod.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
Which suggests that Joesphus makes mistakes (which is maybe a nice way of saying he can be flat-out wrong, unfortunately. The fact that Pliny thinks Damascus is in the Decapolis suggests Josephus could be wrong there, as well.)
Which indicates one must compare BJ with AJ and any difference usually prefer AJ. A historian tries to iron out errors. Josephus shows that where he can he does.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
And I don't know how far to trust Josephus on anything at this point!
But you don't want to trust him. Such lack of trust is convenient, yet Josephus shows his willingness to do history.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
I meant the context; I don't know enough to know whether the context might change the meaning.
I was making a serious suggestion. If you want to deal with the things you show an inclination for, why not pick up the necessary tools to do so?

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Originally Posted by the_cave
I agree, and there are some things about reality we don't know, and so we first have to determine what's possible and what's impossible.
History works a little differently. We start off with what we know and expand that knowledge base with either new data or fresh analysis.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
Yes, and that's possible. It's also possible that Damascus was not a part of Syria (because Josephus doesn't really say whether it is or not), and so Vitellius wouldn't have been concerned with it.
Pliny the Elder seems to have no doubt. See NH 13.12, 15.12 & 36.12 where he talks of Damascus in Syria. Pliny was writing not long before the destruction of Pompeii, using data from earlier in the century.

Being on the southern edge of Syria, Damascus had a dual position for it was closer to a group of cities of which it also formed part known as the Decapolis.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
All these things are reasonable possibilities, and have to be interpreted in light of other criteria. It seems to me more likely that Damascus was not a part of Syria, than that Paul was actually an author from the 1st century BCE.
This likelihood is based on no data whatsoever. At least you've proffered none, so one assumes that you've got none.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
But then, there are even more possibilities than these two, and furthermore I could simply be wrong. I accept this. Some things just can't be determined one way or the other.
We have only one presence of an Aretas in Damascus, when Aretas III was invited to look after the city by the Damascenes. Beside that we only have "fanta-history" which tries -- for a priori motives -- to make an opportunity for Aretas IV to have control of the city. Paul doesn't supply evidence for one to posit such a control.


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Old 09-10-2005, 04:34 PM   #119
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Originally Posted by andrewcriddle
The third scenario is certainly conjecture but IMHO quite plausible conjecture.
What I don't understand is why one would conjecture it here in the first place. If we are starting from scratch, what would ever lead to such a conjecture?


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(Thanks for the Tacitus reference. I'll look it up.)
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Old 09-10-2005, 08:52 PM   #120
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Andrew,

I don't see a friendship between Aretas and Germanicus in Tac. Ann. 2. I just see the former (unnamed) presenting crowns to various people and the most impressive crowns to the most important people, Germanicus and Agrippina I. This is pretty usual eastern obeisance, isn't it?


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