Okay ... Here we go again ...
The article that I posted was in response to this post:
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Originally Posted by Roger Pearse
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Originally Posted by Minimalist
Cultic figurines and remnants of religious practices are definitely evidence of cultic rites. ...
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I'm not sure that you got my point. How do we know that a statue is 'cultic'? How do we know that something is a 'remnant of religious practice'? I'm not sure that archaeology alone can tell us such a thing.
All the best,
Roger Pearse
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Where Roger asks the question I've emphasized above. I popped open JSTOR, put "cult figurine" into the search box and clicked the Archaeology journals to search within. The first one that actually was talking about a figurine that had cultic elements was the one I quoted, so I'm not really tied to this study area, time period, or the authors. One thing this short report had was a nice description of -why- the archaeologists determined that the figurine was cultic.
In archaeology, a 'cultic' item is part of a larger scheme or suite of items/motifs that define the presence of a shared patterning over an area/group/groups of peoples.
Here is a little blurb on the Southeastern Ceremonial Complex, also known as the 'Southern Cult' of North America (another of those pesky cultures that didn't leave a written language). Places where the motifs are found show that there were shared concepts and rules (we'll get to rituals below, but they count in this too) between peoples which would help to show a shared identity and most likely, similar views on items/actions/occurances. In that way, this figurine is, most definately 'cultic'. A more detailed examination will follow.
If you want me to go and dig up some that get into the archaeology of religion, then we had to get into bringing in more and more information, and I thought that this thread was probably not the place for such a discussion (It would not only be off-topic for the thread, but I doubt that it would be well connected to BC&H).
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Originally Posted by Roger Pearse
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Originally Posted by Hex
Roger, did you perhaps miss what I said before? Context?
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I'm not sure that I can say it much plainer. Chanting 'context' is not an answer.
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Actually though, 'context' is one of the most important aspects of archaeology, if you really want to dig the importance of ritual and meaning from it. Anyone who has gone to a museum and looked at an arrowhead or a pot or a mummy in a museum can see that it's something old. That it's something that we, as modern people, don't make or in some cases even use anymore.
But what does the artifact -mean- for history? Here, context is king. Where was it found? What was arround it? Was the arrowhead found in the midst of a mass-butchering area, in a midden, or between the teeth of a juvinile burial's teeth? Now, I'm not debating that some information can come from an artifact itself - an extra-thin and well-made arrowhead (when compared to others of it's type) is likely to indicate special purpose, especially if it structurally is unable to do it's morphological function and instead serves an aesthetic or symbolic purpose. But still, -where- and -with what- you find it is where you actually get the information from.
Roger asked how Archaeology 'knew' things about something being 'cultic' or 'religious'. The simple answer? Context of the artifacts.
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Well, in case you doubted, here was the first example I found on JSTOR, so here you are, a chalk figurine found in Britain with the reasoning as to it's importance as a religious thing:
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I'm interested that you quote this. It does not, after all, endorse your comments since it is devoid of data in that direction.
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Right. They don't come out and blatently -state- that it's religious. That's -my- attribution, since they seem to have a decent case stated here.
I apologize. They're using science. As such, more data on the subject may give a better explaination of the evidence at hand for this, well, then they won't look 'wrong', and if the evidence bears them out then they get to be in on the forefront of the wonderful understanding about the culture.
If you have issues with that, they are with me, my interpretation and wording.
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"The evidence for the pit being itself ritual rests largely on the presence of the image
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So, let's ask ourselves how do we know that the image is religious? Of itself a statue stood above a pit means nothing, as far as I know.
Anyone know different? If so, how do you KNOW?
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..., and so any argument on these lines cannot be taken too far, but it must be said that the structure, with its underground chamber is somewhat unusual.
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No evidence either way, tho.
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Wait? Where did they say a statue? Where did they say it stood above a pit? Are you *gasp* trying to give it a context?
Perhaps instead of focusing only on the figurine, I should have understood that you wouldn't look up the entire 4 page article, so here, let me give you the context:
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Excavations by the Dover Archaeological Group ahead of construction work on a site adjacent to St Richards Road, Upper Deal in East Kent, have revealed a series of Roman pits, ditches and post-holes probably relating to a native farmstead. Amongst the pits excavated was a chalk-cut shaft at NGR TR 36335070. This was some 2.50 m deep and gave access to a small underground chamber. The fill of this structure included Roman pottery of late first- to second-century date.
At a point about 0.40 m above the floor of the chamber, the fill produced a small chalk figurine standing some 18.8cms high, the 'Deal Man' (FIG. 9). This figurine has a simply carved face, a long slender neck (unfortunately broken during the rather difficult rescue excavations) and a plain rectangular body, with no attempt being made to represent arms or legs.l19 Oddly, the figurine's base slopes backwards so that it will not stand up on a flat surface. A small niche found high up in the north-west wall of the chamber, however, has an apparently compensating sloping base and it seems likely that this originally housed the figure. (pg 295)
A Chalk Figurine from Upper Deal, Kent, Keith Parfitt; Miranda Green, Britannia, Vol. 18. (1987), pp. 295-298. Stable URL
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Does -that- help to explain why this might be ... if not religious, then of ritual significance? At least, it should help with understanding the next bit ...
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The basal chamber in which the statuette was found may possibly have been a shrine.
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Speculation, surely.
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Or not? Underground chamber, wall niche, figurine ... All 2.5m below the surface, cut into chalk. Hmmm ....
Well, by itself, it could be just plain unusual, but ...
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There are parallels both to the pit and its chamber, and to the presence of figurines in ritual pits. Ross would interpret a pit at Northfleet, also in Kent, as religious, and this shaft also possesses an oval chamber at the bottom.
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Still no evidence of anything but pits and statues. These, as we have seen, are mute unless we know what they mean.
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Do we have to -know- what god/spirit/ancestor an icon is representing if it's in a special context? What if that special context is repeated? Anne Ross (mentioned above) was doing work in the late 1960's on Celtic Ritual in Pre-Roman and Roman Britain. (She even wrote a book on it,
Pagan Celtic Britain. Studies in Iconography and Tradition (1967).) Even without having the article to which the article at-hand refers, I can expect that the information that they are recovering and configuration of the pit, chamber and artifacts conform to the standards by which she defined something else to be religious in nature.
Please note in here the term 'ritual'. A ritual (using Haviland's definition from
Understanding Culture: The Human Challenge, 11th ed., McGraw-Hill, 2005) is a:
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A secular or sacred, formal, solemn act, observance, or procedure in accordance with prescribed rules & customs
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Now, religious or not then, the importance of ritual is that it's done right, in the right place, at the right time - according to some set of rules. Now, is there some ritual aspect to this figurine? Well, since we can look at the place through archaeology, then, we find a special place (oval chamber hidden 2.5m below the ground) with a special place within that (the niche) where the figurine (likely, since it was found in the debris) sat. Looks pretty good, since pits like this aren't common, and, even better, we've got evidence for -the same pattern- (note the importance of context for this?) just a bit distant at Northfleet.
Hmm, a shared pattern in the places where we find the figurine. Let's look at that for a moment then. From the article:
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The striking feature of the Deal chalk figurine is the schematism with which the image is portrayed. The body is merely an undressed block of chalk, with no attempt at modelling of the human form, while the facial features are simple lines with deep-set holes for the eyes and with the cheeks dished to give the nose some relief.
There are parallels both for the figurine itself and for the artistic treatment of cult-objects. The general style is essentially Celtic, with no Roman influence whatever. Although the Deal figure seems to be of Roman date, the tradition of simple, abstract or schematised images may be traced in the pre-Roman European Iron Age. A close parallel in the treatment of the head is the pillar from the Celtic sanctuary of Entremont in Provence, which bears incised heads with linear brows and noses but differing from the Kent figurine in having no mouths; this monument probably dates to the third century B.C. The pre-Roman wooden figures from the Source de la Seine sanctuary near Dijon show a similar style, and frequently detailed attention is paid only to the head even if the body is represented. In the Romano-Celtic iconographic tradition of Britain, many general parallels to the sketchy artistic treatment of the Deal image exist. The stone horseman from Margidunum, Notts. has an unmodelled rectangular body and rudimentary geometric features. The schist plaque of the Triple Mothers from Bath, the Camborne stone figure and the Genius cucullatus relief from Rushall Down, Wilts. display similar traits. The head itself on the Deal figure is strikingly similar to the Celtic head from Camerton, Somerset and many North British Celtic heads show similarly linear and somewhat sketchy features.
The closest parallels to the Deal figurine are undoubtedly to be found at the Iron Age site of Garton Slack, Yorkshire. Here, several chalk figures have been excavated including those of warriors, and at least two, whose heads remain, show treatment of face and body identical to the Kent figurine. Essentially similar, too, is the chalk figurine from a well at Kelvedon, Essex, probably of earlier Roman date. Here, however, whilst the features are again simple lines, the body has short stumpy legs. There are two points which emerge from a discussion of style. The first concerns the overall artistic treatment; secondly there is the question of the importance given to the head as opposed to the rest of the body. Both are related in that each appears to have religious significance in terms of Celtic religion. The schematic 'short-hand' treatment shown at Deal is extremely common throughout the Romano-Celtic world, especially in Britain. Far from being incompetence on the part of the craftsman or simplicity on the part of the devotee, as is often argued, this economy of line indicates considerable sophistication, and has to be assessed in the context of Celtic art, with its stress on pattern and design. In religious terms either realism (mimesis of the human form) was frequently unnecessary to the Celts in divine image-making or, more positively, there may have been a conscious attempt at a kind of divine 'short-hand' or reduction to essentials with naturalism deliberately shunned. The head, too, was a prominent focus of reverence for the Celts and thus, as at Deal, artistic emphasis is placed on the head even where the rest of the image is unmodelled. Thus, on a sheet-bronze plaque from Woodeaton, Oxon. an over-large head is supported on a diminutive, stick-like body; at Rushall Down, the head of the cucullatus is exaggerated; and the same is true of the Caerwent Mother-Goddess. Classical writers such as Dio Cassius and Strabo speak of the hunting and collection of enemy-heads, their veneration and placement in Celtic shrines. Iconographically, it is evident that Celtic deities were frequently represented by the head alone. There was no Celtic head-cult as such but the head was regarded by the Celts as the most important part of the body, and it is therefore natural for gods to be represented on occasions by the head, pars pro toto. (pp. 295-7)
[COLOR="Green"]A Chalk Figurine from Upper Deal, Kent, Keith Parfitt; Miranda Green, Britannia, Vol. 18. (1987), pp. 295-298. Stable URL
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(
Note: Emphasis mine.)
Okay, so ... from that we can get at what aspects go into portraying a diety versus an individual.
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Figurines or religious sculptures frequently occur in ritual pits: at Montbuay near Orleans a wooden figure came from a pit; and a figurine of a deity came from one of the ritual pits in the Vendee region.
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This is the same statement as above turned upside down. Ask how we know that they are ritual pits? How do we know that these are deities?
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See ritual discussion above, please for the pits.
See style/iconography discussion above, please.
Do you need me to go through it in even more detail?
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In Britain, images are recorded in pits at, for instance, Great Chesterford (Essex); and wells such as Coventina's shrine at Carrawburgh and Lower Slaughter, Glos. contained a number of votive sculptures.
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<weary> How do we know that they are 'votive sculptures'?
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Well, the question you want to ask is 'what is "votive" in archaeology', isn't it? A votive (according to
Merriam-Webster) is:
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1 : consisting of or expressing a vow, wish, or desire <a votive prayer>
2 : offered or performed in fulfillment of a vow or in gratitude or devotion
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But, in archaeology, we look at
votive deposits as taking something utilitarian or representative (of wealth/status/symbol/etc.) and 'destroying' it or removing it from the public sphere. Intentional destruction of a functional/expensive/meaningful item is a public expression of intent and comitment to some thing. This is often done as public ritual and involves making the commitment or recognizing the finality of the commitment and debts owed.
In this way, caches of exceptional/rare items, especially in special places (burial mounds, areas of cultural significance to a group of people) are not stockpiles, but carry with them meaning and intent.
Below is an indication of a 'votive deposit', as the deposited items (statue placed in a pot) were put in a special place, but a place that was 'away' (down the well). In essence, the items were sacrificed or removed from potential commerce or communication through intentional placement (niche) rather than mere discard.
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Finally, the exceptionally important parallel of Kelvedon in Essex should be considered. Here, a well which was filled in during the second century A.D. contained a pot set in a niche inside which was a stylised chalk figurine. This is of particular interest in that there was a niche in the Deal pit which very possibly housed the Kent statuette.
The Deal figurine comes from a context which may or may not itself be religious.
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I.e. no-one KNOWS.
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Know (from
Merriam-Webster):
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1 a (1) : to perceive directly : have direct cognition of (2) : to have understanding of <importance of knowing oneself> (3) : to recognize the nature of : DISCERN b (1) : to recognize as being the same as something previously known (2) : to be acquainted or familiar with (3) : to have experience of
2 a : to be aware of the truth or factuality of : be convinced or certain of b : to have a practical understanding of <knows how to write>
3 archaic : to have sexual intercourse with
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Now, how much of what you 'know' have you perceived directly? Do you -only- believe your own senses? Did the Apollo Moon Landings really happen if you weren't there to witness it from the lander module? It seems to me that what you -want- to imply is that you want to use (2a) above - to be aware of the truth or factuality of the archaeological interpretation given by the authors of the archaeological evidence.
I expect that when dealing with this subject, you won't get a 100% confidence rate from the archaeologists, where you might with a campsite's lithic scatter that can be refitted to put a couple of tools together with their debris to form a core, thus indicating with certainty that someone used that core to make the items that were used on-site for some (probably specific) purpose.
If you want that 100%, build yourself a time-machine and audio translator. Otherwise, you might have to settle for a 75% confidence.
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The relatively undamaged and unworn condition of the object suggests deliberate deposition rather than rubbish disposal.
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Speculation, again.
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Nope. Look back at
votive deposits discussion above, please.
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So a primary cult-context is quite likely even if we have no independent evidence for an underground shrine or chapel. A possible explanation of the figurine's presence, if the chamber were to be interpreted as a store rather than a shrine, is that the figure was placed there to guard, protect and bless the contents. (pp 297-8)
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No data in this either.
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Right. Because it's a synthesis of information, where data from off-site is used and the site itself is put in a regional/cultural context (Damn! There's that word again ...)
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The point of this is not to attack this archaeological report; it isn't addressing the point at issue. In the absence of a literary text about these, the author is quite properly cautious, and obliged to reason rather in the dark. But that's the point; that his archaeology isn't telling him, so he has to work with what he has and hope for the best. He's probably right, working from comparison with classical and archaic mediterranean civilisation. But it's thin stuff.
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Actually the author
s use quite a bit of local/regional archaeological information to get to their answer. Other sites in KENT, Britain, France - you know, the areas that had Celtic populations? Thus they can make comparisons of the similarities based on dealing with elements of the same culture.
(Roger, I'm sorry, but do you actually read and synthesize information before trying to take it apart line by line? I had indicators of that information in the quote I originally posted. Please, take another look.)
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Note, they've hedged their bets a bit, since they haven't found more in that area, but from the CONTEXT, they can make inferences based on the ARCHAEOLOGICAL RECORD, not just from the single find in Kent, but also other locations in the area, and, of course, ANTHROPOLOGICAL STUDIES.
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I'm sorry to say that you don't seem to have understood what you read, or its bearing on my question.
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I understand it just fine. And it's your right to be obstinant. It doesn't really bother me, personally. But as a professional archaeologist, I find it a bit on the annoying side.
Please, if you do not find this understandable, let me know.
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Aside: It always amazes me, the way that people abuse and misunderstand Archaeology. :huh:
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Indeed. It is curious to see the way that people suppose it capable of conveying information not found by archaeological means.
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Yep. And I'm sure that there are other areas of science that function even though they don't make sense to you as well. And that's fine. My advice (worth exactly what you paid for it) would be to stay out of the field of Archaeology. It works, and it has advanced since the 1970's.
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I'm sorry Hex, but unless you can engage seriously with the point I'm making we can't really discuss this further.
All the best,
Roger Pearse
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I'm trying to be serious here, Roger.
You want 100% certainty about intent from archaeology? You don't get it from Anthropology where you're dealing with real, live people. (People *gasp* lie! Even during field interviews! I understand your incredulity.)
(Aside: But, I -can- say this about this sort of study. I am far more swayed by the archaeological evidence that this pit in Upper Deal is a religious shrine, than I am by the archaeological evidence that Jesus existed, even as a non-deified human. And how many people 'know' that he existed? Evidence and fact don't always factor into 'knowing'.)