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Old 09-12-2005, 11:51 AM   #131
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Quote:
Originally Posted by spin
Andrew,

I don't see a friendship between Aretas and Germanicus in Tac. Ann. 2. I just see the former (unnamed) presenting crowns to various people and the most impressive crowns to the most important people, Germanicus and Agrippina I. This is pretty usual eastern obeisance, isn't it?


spin
The passage clearly means that Germanicus was a guest at a banquet given by Aretas, and that he received valuable presents from him, to an extent that his hostile colleague Piso regardedas as inappropriate.

This doesn't imply they were close buddies but it does seem to go beyond formal diplomatic courtesies. Piso in his speech against 'luxury' may be implying that Germanicus is over sympathetic to oriental practices and customs.

FWIW Barrett in 'Caligula the Corruption of Power' p 183 explains Vitellius breaking off the campaign against Aretas on Caligula's accession, in terms of the previous friendly relations between Aretas and Germanicus.

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Old 09-12-2005, 12:04 PM   #132
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Originally Posted by spin
What I don't understand is why one would conjecture it here in the first place. If we are starting from scratch, what would ever lead to such a conjecture?
There is apparently (I've come across the claim in several secondary works but never studied the primary sources on this point) an absence of any municipal coinage struck in Damascus between roughly CE 34 and CE 62.

Some have interpreted this as evidence that during the reigns of Caligula and Claudius, (both of whom on the whole encouraged and expanded client kingdoms), Damascus was controlled by a client kingdom such as the Nabateans. I'm rather dubious myself but the absence of municipal coin issues for a quarter of a century requires some explanation.

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Old 09-12-2005, 01:28 PM   #133
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Kenneh F. Doig, New Testament Chronology
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This possibility is supposedly supported by the lack of Roman coins in Damascus for the period from 34 to 62. However, the Damascus mint closed from 32 to 53 CE, and all coins were supplied from Antioch.4 The limited extent of the archeological excavations prevents this lack of coins from being conclusive. Also, it could not prove that it was Aretas who had control of Damascus, since there is also a lack of Nabataean coins. Also, Josephus makes the following comment: "The Damascenes were at difference with the Sidonians about their limits, and when Flaccus was about to hear the cause between them. . . ." (Ant. XVIII 6:3) Flaccus was the Roman president of Syria from 32 to 35 CE, and this was near the end of his term when Agrippa sailed to Rome. Since a Roman was arbitrating difficulties in Damascus, Rome must have had control of Damascus then. It does not seem possible that Aretas IV had any control of Damascus by 34/35 CE.
That sounds like an adequate explanation.
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Old 09-12-2005, 03:21 PM   #134
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Originally Posted by spin
Damascus is not the nest of robbers.
I agree!

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Find texts in Greek here.
Yes, I do use Perseus from time to time, in my own clumsy way.

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Yeah well, Troas soitainly ain't in Syria and noither is Macedonia. They are mentioned because one found terebinth there as well as Damascus in Syria. I don't think that your attempted point here is based on a close reading of the text.
The idea is, in the passage, Ida seems to be to Troas as Damascus is to Syria.

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Indeed not. And I don't see why you might construct such an idea. The nest of robbers referred to was in Trachonitis. From there they attacked the Damascus area. BJ 1.20.4 is relatively clear.
I agree with this, too.

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When Herod's kingdom was dividied after his death (AJ 17.11.4), Philip is given "Batanea, with Trachonitis, as well as Auranitis, with a certain part of what was called the House of Zenodorus" (and no Damascus). Herod Antipas was given Galilee and Perea. "There were also certain of the cities which paid tribute to Archelaus: Strato's Tower and Sebaste, with Joppa and Jerusalem; for as to Gaza, and Gadara, and Hippos, they were Grecian cities, which Caesar separated from his government, and added them to the province of Syria." Gadara and Hippos, "Greek cities", were returned to Syria and these cities were northern cities of the Decapolis along with Damascus.
True, so it's possible that Damascus was returned as well, though not certian. I admit this might be the best evidence it was. On the other hand, Damascus doesn't seem to have actually been under Herod's rule, so Caesar couldn't have separated it from Herod's government (unless he's saying they were taken from Archelaus, which I think doesn't make sense--very hard to keep track of all this!). Again, no real positive evidence of its status, unfortunately (But I also admit this goes both ways.)

Quote:
Later AJ 18.1.1 says that all the territory of Archelaus returned to Syria. Damascus returned to direct rule by the Romans.
But it couldn't have, if it had already been returned along with Gadara and Hippos. But, then, if Archelaus had in fact been in charge of Damascus, then alright. But do we have any information that this was the case?

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But then it's possible that there was another Aretas king of something or other in the possible world you are constructing.
True, but that's an even smaller possibility! It's the significant possibilities that need attention.

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Understand that I don't advocate that Paul lived during the time of Aretas III, just that the reference to Aretas's control over Damascus refers to Aretas III.
Oh...well, in that case, we might not have any real disagreement. All by itself, the simplest explanation is, it's about Aretas III. There's a smaller chance it's somehow about Aretas IV, but that's a more complicated explanation. All by itself, that is. I guess that's all I have to say about it for now.
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Old 09-12-2005, 03:27 PM   #135
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Since a Roman was arbitrating difficulties in Damascus, Rome must have had control of Damascus then.
Is this really true? I don't really know much about how the Empire worked, but in that passage in War (BJ) 1.20.4, the Damascenes ask Varro to take their case to Caesar. Wouldn't this suggest that the Damascenes were not under the direct control of Syria, but rather that the Damascenes needed to petition Caesar directly for help--and that Varro likewise needed Caesar's permission before intervening?
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Old 09-12-2005, 06:11 PM   #136
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Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
The idea is, in the passage, Ida seems to be to Troas as Damascus is to Syria.
The idea is that Ida and Macedonia had the terebinth as did Damascus.

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
True, so it's possible that Damascus was returned as well, though not certian. I admit this might be the best evidence it was. On the other hand, Damascus doesn't seem to have actually been under Herod's rule, so Caesar couldn't have separated it from Herod's government (unless he's saying they were taken from Archelaus, which I think doesn't make sense--very hard to keep track of all this!). Again, no real positive evidence of its status, unfortunately (But I also admit this goes both ways.)
Start with Herod's realm, divide it in three, then subtract those cities from Archelaus's portion.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
But it couldn't have, if it had already been returned along with Gadara and Hippos. But, then, if Archelaus had in fact been in charge of Damascus, then alright. But do we have any information that this was the case?
Rome showed that those portions not given to the heirs was returned to Syria.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
True, but that's an even smaller possibility! It's the significant possibilities that need attention.
Arbitrary choices become significant possibilities when you are not doing history.

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Originally Posted by the_cave
Oh...well, in that case, we might not have any real disagreement. All by itself, the simplest explanation is, it's about Aretas III. There's a smaller chance it's somehow about Aretas IV, but that's a more complicated explanation. All by itself, that is. I guess that's all I have to say about it for now.
Obviously, not "all by itself", for we have employed historical evidence. One is free to introduce whatever historical evidence that can be shown to be relevant to the issue they like.

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
I don't really know much about how the Empire worked, but in that passage in War (BJ) 1.20.4, the Damascenes ask Varro to take their case to Caesar. Wouldn't this suggest that the Damascenes were not under the direct control of Syria, but rather that the Damascenes needed to petition Caesar directly for help--and that Varro likewise needed Caesar's permission before intervening?
This is worded in such a way as to indicate arbitration -- probably between two separate parts of Roman controlled territory (each administered in different ways). There was no military intent as to take control of Damascus, which would have been Varro's direct interest.


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Old 09-13-2005, 11:41 AM   #137
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Originally Posted by spin
What in particular took your attention?
Hi Spin. Sorry it took a bit to get back. Got to beat the winter with the chores here. Never enough wood.

I wanted to read the piece that Toto gave us on the Dutch Radical school carefully. It is more of a review article, and has many tentacles that require exploration for which I have insufficient stock of pre-existing knowldge.

But the primary issue that takes my attention now in approaching Biblical literature is articulated in that piece here:

Quote:
The key question must be the one regarding the cui bono? To which Christian group in the second century could the Epistles be useful?
Now, the article has already ruled out first century authorship on a number of grounds, some of which are here:

Quote:

The question of Israel's repudiation, dealt with exhaustively in Romans 9-11 (e.g. Rom. 11:15f; cf. 1 Thess. 2:16), as well as the updating of the Old Testament remnant theme (Rom. 9:27; 11:5), could only arise later, presumably only after 135 (at the earliest after 70).

For the persecutions of Christians, of which mention is made again and again in the Pauline Epistles (Rom 8:35; 12:14; 1 Cor 4:12; 2 Cor 4:9; 12:10; Gal 6:12; 1 Thess 2:14 etc.) there is no evidence before Nero. The putative persecution of Christians in 64 after the fire of Rome is, moreover, historically disputed. Speaking of persecutions is—apart from those under Domitian (Eusebius, EH 3.17ff.) and the ones the Jewish Christians were exposed to under Bar Kochba (Justin, Apol. 1,31; Eusebius, EH 4. 8,4)—only possible after 135 in connection with the so-called Aposynagogos, i.e., the exclusion of Christians from synagogue life. And indeed, the Aposynagogos itself is unattested before Justin in the middle of the second century (Justin, Dial. 48.5).

Does the dispute concerning Faith and Law, indeed just like the question of circumcising, belong to the first century, or rather in the second? (Cf. Justin, who in his Dialogue with the Jew Trypho again and again occupies himself with exactly these questions: e.g., Dial. 23.4, where the theme of circumcision is debated.)

The implied theological level of the congregations of the Pauline Epistles assumes a longer period of incubation and could not possibly have been arrived at within two decades.

The Frenchman DelaFosse, congenial to the Dutchmen, has drawn our attention to indications in the Pauline Epistles that their author in a few pericopes refers to the so-called "Pascha conflict" under Victor in the second century, reported by Eusebius (1 Cor. 5:8).45

Proxy baptism for the dead (1 Cor. 15:29) has not been confirmed earlier than among the Marcionites in the second century.46
There are some working premises in the piece, such as 1 Clement and Ignatia as forgeries, that I adhere to - and a hypothesis I find plausible:

Rather than the Marcionite version of Pauline Epistles being revions to the Catholic, it is the reverse: The Marcionite version is the earlier and the Catholics "sanitized" them.

As stated in the article:

Quote:
The answer is clear: the first to profit by the Pauline Epistles were undoubtedly the same as those in whose midst a canon of ten Pauline Epistles is demonstrable for the first time: the Marcionites. Only a thorough re-editing has made possible the reception of the Pauline Epistles by the Catholic Church. Only such a redaction has transformed Marcion's Paul, the "apostle of the heretics," into the Catholic Saint Paul, who henceforth ranks equally beside Saint Peter.
I am incapable of evaluating the assertion that the "canon of ten Pauline Epistles is demonstratable for the first time: the Marcionites". But that surely adds weight to the thesis along with the Marcionite flavor to Paul in general.

Quote:
a) In this connection we must first note the presence in the Pauline Epistles of the docetic Christology of Gnostic origin which teaches that Jesus was not a real human being of flesh and blood, but had only a "seeming body" (a phantom).

This comes to light in, e.g., the remarkable expression in Rom 8:3, where the author says of Christ that (in his life on earth) he was en homoiömati sarkos hamartias ("in the likeness of sinful flesh"). Correspondingly it says also in the Hymn to Christ in Philippians (2:7) that he appeared en homoiömati anthröpön ("in the likeness of men"). Why does the author not simply say that God had sent him "into the flesh"? The concept homoiöma ("likeness") is clearly used by the author most consciously, so as to make clear the contrast of his view with that of the Catholic and Jewish-Christian view.54

b) Further note should be taken of the dualism in the author's image of God, which comes to light in a few places:

In 2 Cor 4:4 the author speaks in a dualistic way of the Theos tou aiönos toutou ("God of this aeon"), who has blinded the thoughts of the unbelievers; cf. also 1 Cor 2:6; 2:8; Eph 2:2; 6:12.

In Rom 5:7 the righteous one and the good one are, in the Marcionite fashion, antithetically set one against the other. Whereas for the righteous one one will scarcely die, yet for a good one some would even dare to die. Normally the two terms are thought to refer to the (good or righteous) man. The tortuous explanations of the exegetes are rather senseless, though. That is why we should ask whether perhaps the Marcionites who, as we learn from Origen,55 appealed to this text, were absolutely right when they understood the good one and the righteous one as their Two Gods.

Through remodeling, the well-known verse Eph 3:9 has become unclear. Here Marcion is said to have adapted the original idea of the mystery's being hidden "in" God to his theology of Two Gods simply by leaving out the little word "in." Through this supposed omission a totally new, indeed Marcionite, sense of the verse 3:9 is said to have come about, because the mystery was no longer hidden "in" God, but "from the God" who has created all things. In this way Marcion is said to have desired to express that the sanctifying work of the Redeemer God remained hidden from the "Demiurge,"56 for no one else could for him possibly be the "God who had created all things." The facts of the case, however, are obviously exactly the reverse. The Catholic editor clearly changed the point of the sentence by adding his "in," and thus wiped out the idea of a Demiurge, which is intolerable for Catholic thinking, albeit at the cost of the intelligibility of the now completely obscure text.

1 Cor 2:8 also includes a typically Marcionite thought: that of the "hidden laboring of the Redeemer" who, not recognized by the Demiurge and his powers, dies on the Cross and in this way redeems mankind from their dominion. Correspondingly it also says in 1 Cor 2:8 that the archons of this aeon would not have crucified the Lord of Glory, had they recognized him.

The Pauline redemption theology (1 Cor 6:20; 7:23; Gal 3:13; 4:5; 4:9; Col 2:15) seems to presuppose a dualistic system of thought: From what does Christ redeem? From the Law, which is almost "personified"57 or (what surely would be most plausible) from the "Princes (stoixei=a) of the World" (Gal 4:9) as the authors of the Law and so from their supreme commander, "the Demiurge"?
There's more here in the article, of course.

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The notion that they were written by someone else, well, let's call him Paul for simplicity. There seems to be a particular range of attitudes that emerge from some of the letters which I think represents an individual.
Well, yes - and the issue of Catholic redaction to Marcionite originals, although speculative, I find attractive in a context of argument from best explanation for the whole. (Cui bono at the core of the analysis).

[/QUOTE]

Cheers...
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Old 09-13-2005, 03:46 PM   #138
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Quote:
Originally Posted by spin
The idea is that Ida and Macedonia had the terebinth as did Damascus.
Yes--Ida in Troas (a region), and Damascus in Syria (by parallelism, a region.)

Quote:
Start with Herod's realm, divide it in three, then subtract those cities from Archelaus's portion....Rome showed that those portions not given to the heirs was returned to Syria.
Are you assuming that Herod was in posession of Damascus? He wasn't. The division of Herod's empire doesn't tell us what happened to Damascus.

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Arbitrary choices become significant possibilities when you are not doing history.
I don't think that the hypothesis that Aretas IV had control of Damascus is arbitrary. It might be wrong, but it's not arbitrary.

Quote:
Obviously, not "all by itself", for we have employed historical evidence.
All I meant was "all by itself" as in "considered independently of the rest of the text".

Quote:
This is worded in such a way as to indicate arbitration -- probably between two separate parts of Roman controlled territory (each administered in different ways).
It does seem to indicate arbitration--which would therefore suggest that Varro was not in posession of it. However, you're right that Rome might nevertheless have been in control of it (leaving aside for now what "control" might mean.) It's unclear. But it at least seem to establish that it was still independent of Syria.

Quote:
There was no military intent as to take control of Damascus, which would have been Varro's direct interest.
But he couldn't have unless Caesar had given him permission. So, Damascus was not controlled by Syria (though it could have still been controlled by Rome, yes.)
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Old 09-13-2005, 06:52 PM   #139
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Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
Yes--Ida in Troas (a region), and Damascus in Syria (by parallelism, a region.)
A Syria under the direct rule of the Romans. Your parallel with Troas seems inconsequential notwithstanding your insistence.

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
Are you assuming that Herod was in posession of Damascus? He wasn't. The division of Herod's empire doesn't tell us what happened to Damascus.
The Roman approach was possessions were attached to Syria, as in the case of Hippos and Gadara, then the entire kingdom of Judaea. Damascus is never ceded in the literature, so we are left with a Damascus attached to Roman Syria

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
I don't think that the hypothesis that Aretas IV had control of Damascus is arbitrary. It might be wrong, but it's not arbitrary.
Why would you ever contemplate Aretas IV, given the historical evidence?

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
All I meant was "all by itself" as in "considered independently of the rest of the text".
How does the rest of 2 Corinthians help you?

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
It does seem to indicate arbitration--which would therefore suggest that Varro was not in posession of it. However, you're right that Rome might nevertheless have been in control of it (leaving aside for now what "control" might mean.) It's unclear. But it at least seem to establish that it was still independent of Syria.
No. It suggests that he was not in control of Trachonitis though it too came under the Roman umbrella.

Quote:
Originally Posted by the_cave
But he couldn't have unless Caesar had given him permission. So, Damascus was not controlled by Syria (though it could have still been controlled by Rome, yes.)
There was no military threat to a part of Roman rule (Damascus), just a bunch of robbers causing a nuisance and Varro can turn a blind eye. You let the locals bash it out, but if there is an external military threat then there is no hestiation in intervening. Varro, like all governors of Syria had certain standing functions, primary being to defend the region from foreign threat. He didn't need permission to carry out his express task.


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Old 09-13-2005, 07:27 PM   #140
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Quote:
Originally Posted by rlogan
the primary issue that takes my attention now in approaching Biblical literature is articulated in that piece here:
Quote:
The key question must be the one regarding the cui bono? To which Christian group in the second century could the Epistles be useful?
Now, the article has already ruled out first century authorship on a number of grounds, some of which are here:

"...repudiation of Israel... persecutions..."
The argument against persecution is one based on assuming that which Paul refers to is state backed. We attach all the church's presentation of history in the word "persecution", while it could just as easily harassment from any source, strife with others in Paul. The repudiation of Israel is just as easily a counter-rejection by excluded gentiles. Those and the rest of the arguments seem circumstantial. We talk about letters which are genuinely Pauline as against those "deutero-Pauline", because these latter contain elements which presuppose a more evolved christian universe. There may be something to some of these arguments but none seems strong.

Quote:
Originally Posted by rlogan
There are some working premises in the piece, such as 1 Clement and Ignatia as forgeries, that I adhere to
I don't see, if we can date Ignatius to the period I have attempted to place the letters, that one has to cry forgery. Clement seems only dated when it is through the assumption by later commentators that it is the Clement found in the Pauline letters so we have a circularity.

Quote:
Originally Posted by rlogan
- and a hypothesis I find plausible:

Rather than the Marcionite version of Pauline Epistles being revions to the Catholic, it is the reverse: The Marcionite version is the earlier and the Catholics "sanitized" them.
This is generally my approach with the works first collected by the followers of Marcion, eg Lk, that they were tidied up (though "Cathliks" is not necessary, unless you just mean orthodox).

Quote:
Originally Posted by rlogan
As stated in the article: [..]

I am incapable of evaluating the assertion that the "canon of ten Pauline Epistles is demonstratable for the first time: the Marcionites". But that surely adds weight to the thesis along with the Marcionite flavor to Paul in general.
The question is, who is putting the cart before the horse? Does Marcion preserve Paul's work because it was found to be conducive, or were these works written for the (Marcionite) occasion?

Quote:
Originally Posted by rlogan
the issue of Catholic redaction to Marcionite originals, although speculative, I find attractive in a context of argument from best explanation for the whole. (Cui bono at the core of the analysis).
The Marcionite collection is the first appearance of the works in history. One doesn't know what the state of them was, but we know that later orthodox writers perceived them as different from the texts that they had before them. One cannot argue either way, but one cannot presume that they were in the form they were later found in before Marcion got his hands on them.

It's all speculative, reasonable, and perhaps someone might like to make it all more tangible, for, as it is, it's just the whisps of a theory.


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