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Old 04-04-2013, 06:28 AM   #381
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Originally Posted by Jeffrey Gibson View Post
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I do not dispute the fact that some sources explicitly provide such context, such as Homer. What concerns the OP is that after the rise of Christianity,
After the 4th century, yes?
NO. Not in this thread.

I have stated again and again, for the purpose of investigating the fate of the Greek "daimon" in antiquity, in this thread I am happy to run with the mainstream hypothesis that the authorship of the canonical new testament was a phenomenom of the first and possibly second centuries of the common era.
Yes, you've stated this. But you haven't shown that it is anything but a move to limit the data which would falsify your claim about the date of the origins of Christianity or why we should accept this move as legitimate given that one of its purposes is to provide evidence that Christianity was part of a program on Constantine's part to wipe out and denigrate "paganism".

Quote:
Most people accept this hypothesis.
But you don't. And you spent god knows how much time trying to show that it shouldn't be accepted.

Quote:
A number of key resources support the claim that there was a shift in the meaning of "daimon" in the common era.
And these "key" resources are what? Certainly not LSJ nor TDNT nor DDD nor BDAG. It's only by misreading them and misunderstanding what these resources say, and selectively quoting from them, that you could make the claim about them that you do.

Have you looked at the relevant article in The New International Dictionary of New Testament Theology?

Quote:
However I actually appreciate what you have set out to do, which is to momentarily disregard the summary positions and plunge into the detailed citations which underpin the summary.
Which is what you should have done in the fisrt place before you made the uninformed declaration that you did in the OP.

In any case, there's nothing in your summary of the data as you stated it in the OP which is underpinned by these citations. They falsify it.

Jeffrey
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Old 04-04-2013, 09:53 AM   #382
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Since summaries are being pointed to as evidence, here's a portion of the entres on Demon and Demoniac from the New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible:


Jeffrey


Quote:
DEMON [daimo/nion daimonion, dai/mwn daimo4n]. The Greek daimonion (“demon”) comes from the adjective daimonios (daimo/nioj, “divine”). Related terms include daimo4n (divinity, a god, goddess) or pneuma (pneu~ma, spirit). Generally, a demon is a preturnatural semi-divine entity, from the ambiguous root daio4 (dai/w, tear apart, divide,” or, perhaps, “apportion or burn”).

B. Greek Homer, in the Illiad, uses ate4 (a)/th, “delusion,” “bewilderment”) to denote a deceptive supernatural entity (Il. 9.21). He also gives such an explanation to a person’s temporarily heightened menos (me&noj, “might,” Il. 13.61, 75), as in the case of Hector, who became manic, foaming at the mouth with his eyes glowing (15.605-610) in a way that would later came to be described as demon possession. Philostratus used daimo4n to denote such superhuman overpowering of a person (Philostratus, Vit. Apoll. 4.44). In Homer daimonen is used of the gods assembled on Mount Olympus (Il. 1.222; 3.420). Further, Homer uses the term daimo4n when a god acts with hostility toward a person. From the time of Hesiod the demons were the souls of the dead that kept watch over human affairs (Op. 120-29; Aeschylus, Pers. 601; Plato, Resp. 540c).


Aeschylus suggested that the activity of the evil demons is the omnipotent activity of Zeus (Ag. 160-66; 1486; 1563-66). Pindar said that Zeus directs the demons (Pyth. 5.12-23). Perhaps because of deteriorating social and political conditions in the 6th cent. bce, there seems to have been an increase in anxiety and dread in relation to the demons.


For Plato demons were lesser deities (Apol. 27c-d; Phaedr. 246e), intermediaries between gods and humans (Symp. 202d-203a; Tim. 40d; Leg. 717a-f). This view was followed by others (Plutarch, Def. orac. 13.II.416e; Xenocrates, frag. 23; 225). These demons were creators (Tim. 42d), ruling over parts of the cosmos and protecting nations and individuals (Phaedr. 107d; 113d; Resp. 617d; 620d; Leg. 877a); Socrates thought that they were guiding his actions (Theaet. 151a; Euthyd. 3b). Xenocrates, a disciple of Plato, systematized demonology, distinguishing between greater and lesser (Xenocrates, frag. 225; compare Plato, Symp. 202d) and between good and bad demons (Xenocrates, 25), holding that the demons communicated to mortals (see Plato, Symp. 202e) through oracles and dreams and could be seen as a person’s conscience. Because the ancients believed that the murdered could avenge themselves (Plato, Leg. 865d-e), and as demons were considered lower order deities and intermediaries, they became firmly associated with human suffering (Corp. herm. 16.10-19; Plutarch, Quaest. rom. 276f-277a) and possession (Porphyry, Abst. II.36). Eventually, demons were associated with evil, so that apotropaic activities were required (Apuleius, De deo Socr. 6).

1. The Septuagint
The LXX identifies pagan gods, including the spirits of popular belief, as demons (Bar 4:7 ) translating shedhim (MydI#'$; Deut 32:17 ; Ps 105:37 [Heb. 106:37 ]) and )elilim (Myliyli)e, “worthless ones,” Ps 95:5 [96:5]) as daimoniois (“demons,” Isa 65:3 ). Concomitantly, the se(irim (MyrIy(i#;&) are “worthless” (mataios [ma/taioj], Lev 17:7 ) and “worthless idols” (2 Chr 11:15 ). The elusive terms of threat in Ps 90:6 [91:6] are identified as demonic, and the se(irim of Isa 13:21; 34:14 are also demons. Thus, while in the monotheistic environment of the Hebrew text, it is God who is responsible for God’s own Spirit as well as an evil spirit (1 Sam 16:14 ), in Tobit it is an evil demon (pone3ron [ponhro&n]; 3:8, 17) or spirit (6:8) that kills a woman’s husbands out of envy and is sent away by the smoke of burning fish (6:8, 18; 8:3). These entities are not called daimo4n, probably because of the word’s positive use in popular belief.


2. Philo
In a complex, not always apparently consistent demonology, Philo uses daimo4n variously: of lesser deities (Decal. 54); as a strong positive, even divine, adjective (Aet. 47, 64, 76); to refer to human fate or destiny (Flacc. 168, 179); to refer to the ghosts or spirits of the dead (Legat. 65); and of a protective genius (Prob. 39). He believed that daimones (“souls”) filled the air, and he considered them to equal the number of the stars. Some were the words (logoi lo/goi) God used to speak to humans (Gig. 6-16). Some of these daimones mated with “the daughters of men” (Gen 6:2 ) to produce the angels of the OT (Gig. 6-16). Some never wanted union with a body and are the viceroys of the Ruler of the universe, doing God’s bidding (including assisting in creation, Conf. 171) and communicating with God’s children. Philo prefers to call these entities angels or messengers rather than demons (Somn. 1.139-40; see ANGEL). Thus, Philo says that if his readers realized that souls, demons, and angels were different names for the same reality, they would be delivered of their fear of demons and superstition (Gig. 16). Later Philo introduces the idea that troops of evil tenants have to be ejected from the human body in order that only a single good entity may enter (Somn. 1.148-50). However, commenting on Exod 12:23 he says that, at birth, two powers, one salutary, the other destructive, enter a person. Should the evil in this mixture become greater, there is torment, ignominy, contention, battle, and bodily illness (QE 1.23). Philo’s contribution to demonology is the idea of God’s salvific action of sending logoi into the world, God’s removal of the autonomy of demons, and subordination of demons to one deity.


3. Josephus
For Josephus, a ghost or soul of the dead could seek revenge (Ant. 13.317, 416; J.W. 1.521, 599, 607). The spirit or demon from an evil person could enter the living and kill them (J.W. 7.185). Good demons (Ant. 16.210), who helped people (Ant. 13.416; J.W. 6.47), were the souls of those killed in battle (Ant. 13.314; J.W. 1.607; 6.47). A demon could be the source of prophecy (J.W. 1.69; Ant. 13.300), protect a person (Ant. 16.210), and, as in the case of Saul, cause illness (Ant. 6.166, 168, 211). Exceptionally, Josephus uses daimonios for dreadful or calamitous acts of supranatural origin (J.W. 1.370, 373; 6.252). In the story of Eleazar, bad demons are shown to be removed by a professional exorcist (Ant. 8.45-49; also see J.W. 7.180-85).


C. The Dead Sea Scrolls
These texts are important in shedding light on the demonology in the NT traditions. For the Qumran community, a demon (e.g., 4Q510 1 5) was usually called a “spirit” (e.g., 4Q560 1 II, 6). As seen in two very brief lists of demons (4Q510 1 5-6; 4Q511 10 1-2), they could be qualified in a number of ways. As angels or messengers of destruction (4Q510 1 5 also, e.g., 1QS IV, 12; 1QM XIII, 12) they could cause people to live in darkness (1QM XIII, 12) as well as punish the wicked (1QS IV, 12; CD II, 6). As the use in certain places of “bastards” (4Q510 1 5; 4Q511 2 II, 3; 35 7, 48 3, 182 1; also 4Q444 2 I, 4; 1QHa XXIV, 3) the demonology of Qumran is seen to be informed by the Book of Watchers in which the spirits of the Giants (Nephilim, 1 En. 15:11), the dead offspring of Watchers and beautiful women, are the demons. Demons are also called “wicked” (4Q511 1 6, also, e.g., 4Q444 1 4) as well as “destroyer” ( e.g., 4Q511 1 6). The lists include the names lilith (4Q510 1 5) and “howlers” or “owls,” and “yelpers” or “jackals” (4Q510 1 5). In the context of the list we may speculate that these names could reflect the behavior of those afflicted by such a demon (compare Mark 1:24; 3:11; 5:7; 9:26 ).


For the leader of the demons (1QS III, 24; also, e.g., 11Q13 II, 12-13; 4Q387a 3 III 4) there is also a variety of descriptors, most commonly BELIAL (e.g., 1QS I, 16-II, 8; CD IV, 12-15; 1QM I, 4-5; 13-16), but also Mastema (e.g., CD XVI, 5; 1QM Xiii, 11), Melcheresa (4Q280 1 2), SATAN (11Q5a XIX, 15; a name also perhaps used for demons; 1Q28b I, 8) and, depending on how 4Q560 is restored, BEELZEBUL, as well as ABADDON (11Q11 IV, 10; 4Q286 7 II, 7).


Even though the Dead Sea Scrolls depict humanity as ruled by either the Prince of Light or the Angel of Darkness, the leader of the demons is both an angel (1QS III, 20-21) and under the authority of God (1QS III, 23), having been created by him (1QS III, 25). Nevertheless, 11Q13 II, 12 depicts Belial as being in rebellion against the commandments of God.


The Scrolls portray people as combating demons in a number of different ways. The Tobit fragments (4Q196-200) probably endorse the divinely ordained method of fumigation to cause potentially fatal demons to flee (Tob 6 .4; 11.4, 7-8; 4Q196 14 I, XII; 4Q197 4 I, 13-14). Also, in an amulet a spirit that has entered a person (4Q560 1 I, 3) is directly addressed and adjured in an exorcism (4Q560 1 I, 5-6). In 11Q5 (11QPsa) David is said to compose four songs for making music over the stricken or possessed (XXVII, 9-10). These were probably used in exorcisms conducted by a MASKIL, perhaps in public worship (4Q511 63 IV, 1-3), who declared (hymnlike) the splendor and protection of God and angels in order to reassure the faithful as well as subdue the spirits. These exorcisms would also involve hurling abuse at the spirit and adjuring it by God (e.g., 4Q511 35; 8Q5 1; 11Q11 III, 1-12) or asking God to send a powerful angel (11Q11 IV, 5), with the expectation that the demon would be sent to the great abyss (11Q11 IV, 7-9). Abraham is said to pray for the king and lay hands on his head so that the plague and evil spirit was removed from him (1QapGen XX, 28-29). The GENESIS APOCRYPHON contains examples of dealing with demons in a way similar to those in the Gospels and Acts.


D. The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha
Among this body of literature, the first section of 1 En., the Book of Watchers (1 En. 1-36), is of particular interest, for it offers a systematic demonology from the 3rd cent. bce that widely informed the dualism of the NT era. Interpreting the story of the sons of God in Gen 6:1-4 , the book tells of some angels, the Watchers, who came down to have sexual intercourse with beautiful women (1 En. 6:1-7.6). Their giant offspring devoured everything, and in response to human cries, God sent the angel Gabriel to destroy these children of adultery (1 En. 10:9). However, the evil spirits coming from the dead giants continued to inflict harm on people (1 En. 15:8-11). In this myth the diversity of demonic figures has been combined into one category. Also, in Enoch, they are not fallen angels but spirits of the giants remaining on earth causing suffering until the end (1 En. 16:1). In the Similitudes of Enoch (1 En. 37-71), a 1st-cent. bce to 1st-cent. ce addition to the Enoch traditions, Azazel or Satan are the leaders of the evil spirits who will be thrown into the fiery abyss on the great day of judgment (1 En. 54:1-6).
Borrowing from Enochic traditions, Gen 6:1-5 provides Jubilees with the interpretive base for demonology (Jub. 5:1, 6-10; 1 En. 6:1-2; 7:1-2, 5). Demons are equated with foreign gods who were alloted to the nations (Jub. 15:30-32). They seduce the Israelites (Jub. 1:7-8, 11; also 19:28) over whom the Lord alone is ruler (15:32). The leader of the spirits or demons is called Mastema (10:7-8; also 4Q225 2 II, 13; 4Q387a 3 III, 4; 4Q390 1 11; 2 I, 7) or Satan (Jub. 10:11). Twice he is, perhaps, called Belial (1:20; 15:33); although, as in the OT, this could mean “worthless” (e.g., Judg 19:22 ; 1 Sam 25:5 ). The polluted demons lead humans astray (Jub. 10:1) and cause sickness (10:12). In God’s answer to Noah’s prayer to restrain the demons (10:4-6), Mastema pleads for leniency. Showing that the demons and their leader are under the ultimate authority and control of God (see 10:3), and carry out his wishes (see 1QS III, 15-17, 25-26), God allows one-tenth of the demons not to be bound but remain the responsibility of their leader so they can continue to fulfill their role (10:8-9). In the meantime, Noah was taught and recorded all “the healing of their illnesses together with their seductions” (10:12). Abraham’s prayer “Save me from the hand of evil spirits” (12:20), shows that the removal of or protection from demons may also have be sought in prayer.

Bibliography: P. S. Alexander. “The Demonology of the Dead Sea Scrolls.” The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years: A Comprehensive Assessment. Vol. 2. Peter W. Flint and James C. Vanderkam, eds. (1999) 331-53; C. E. Arnold. Powers of Darkness: Principalities and Powers in Paul’s Letters (1992); W. Burkert. Greek Religion (1985); A. Lange, H. Lichtenberger, and K. F. D. Römheld, eds., Die Dämone: Demons (2003); E. Langton. Essentials of Demonology (1949); J. Naveh. “Fragments of an Aramaic Magic Book from Qumran,” IEJ 48 (1998) 252-61; D. L. Penny and Michael O. Wis. “By the Power of Beelzebub: An Aramaic Incantation Formula from Qumran (4Q560).” JBL 113 (1994) 627-50; R. C. Thompson. The Devils and Evil Spirits of Babylonia. 2 vols. (1903); G. H. Twelftree. Jesus the Exorcist: A Contribution to the Study of the Historical Jesus (1993); C. Wahlen. Jesus and the Impurity of Spirits in the Synoptic Gospels (2004); A. T. Wright. The Origin of Evil Spirits: The Reception of Genesis 6 .1-4 in Early Jewish Literature (2005).


DEMONIAC di-moh´nee-ak [daimonizo/menoj daimonizomenos].


DEMONIAC di-moh´nee-ak [daimonizo/menoj daimonizomenos] ... demoniac, meaning a person having or possessed by a demon or evil spirit, ... is probably an old idea (Homer, Od. 18:327), the word is rare before the NT period (e.g., Philemon, Comicus 191). The Dead Sea Scrolls (11Q5 XXVII, 10) and later Jewish literature (e.g., y. Sabb. 6:8b) use the term “the stricken.”
See, too:

Plutarchus Biogr., Phil., Quaestiones convivales (612c-748d)
Stephanus page 706, section E, line 1

ὥσπερ γὰρ οἱ μάγοι
τοὺς δαιμονιζομένους κελεύουσι τὰ Ἐφέσια γράμματα πρὸς
αὑτοὺς καταλέγειν καὶ ὀνομάζειν, οὕτως ἡμεῖς ἐν τοῖς τοιού-
τοις τερετίσμασι καὶ σκιρτήμασι (Pind. fr. 208 = 70a9, 10)

’μανίαις τ' ἀλαλαῖς τ' ὀρινόμενοι ῥιψαύχενι σὺν κλόνῳ’

τῶν ἱερῶν καὶ σεμνῶν ἐκείνων γραμμάτων ἀναμιμνησκό-
μενοι καὶ παραβάλλοντες ᾠδὰς καὶ ποιήματα καὶ λόγους
† κενοὺς οὐκ ἐκπλαγησόμεθα παντάπασιν ὑπὸ τούτων οὐδὲ

Pseudo-Plutarchus, De fluviis
Chapter 16, section 2, line 3

Γεννᾶται δ' ἐν αὐτῷ λίθος κυάμῳ παρόμοιος,
ὃν ἐὰν κύνες ἴδωσιν, οὐχ ὑλακτοῦσι· ποιεῖ δὲ [ἄριστα]
πρὸς τοὺς δαιμονιζομένους· ἅμα γὰρ [αὐτὸν] προστε-
θῆναι ταῖς ῥισὶν, ἀπέρχεται τὸ δαιμόνιον.
Go to Context


Flavius Josephus Hist., Antiquitates Judaicae
Book 8, chapter 47, line 1

ὁ δὲ τρόπος τῆς θερα-
πείας τοιοῦτος ἦν· προσφέρων ταῖς ῥισὶ τοῦ δαιμονιζομένου τὸν
δακτύλιον ἔχοντα ὑπὸ τῇ σφραγῖδι ῥίζαν ἐξ ὧν ὑπέδειξε Σολόμων
ἔπειτα ἐξεῖλκεν ὀσφρομένῳ διὰ τῶν μυκτήρων τὸ δαιμόνιον, καὶ
πεσόντος εὐθὺς τἀνθρώπου μηκέτ' εἰς αὐτὸν ἐπανήξειν ὥρκου, Σολό-
μωνός τε μεμνημένος καὶ τὰς ἐπῳδὰς ἃς συνέθηκεν ἐκεῖνος ἐπιλέγων.
Go to Context


Cyranides, Cyranides
Book 1, section 24, line 43

κουφίζει δὲ καὶ σεληνιαζομένους καὶ δαιμονιζομένους.


Cyranides, Cyranides
Book 1, section 13, line 21

Ἐὰν οὖν τὸν δακτύλιον τοῦτον προσενέγκῃς δαιμονιζομένῳ, πάραυτα
ὁ δαίμων ἐξομολογησάμενος ἑαυτὸν φεύξεται.
Go to Context


Cyranides, Cyranides
Book 2, section 31, line 5

Ἐκ τοῦ ὄνυχος αὐτοῦ τοῦ ἐμπροσθίου δεξιοῦ ποδὸς εἰ ποιήσῃς δα-
κτύλιον ἢ κρίκιον καὶ δώσῃς φορεῖν δαιμονιζομένῳ, σωθήσεται.
Go to Context


Pseudo-Ptolemaeus, Fructus sive centiloquium
Section 70, line 2

Ἐπὶ τῶν ἐνθουσιώντων οὐ συνάπτει ἡ σελήνη τῷ Ἑρμῇ
οὐδὲ ἑκάτερος τῷ ὡροσκόπῳ, ἐπὶ τῶν δαιμονιζομένων
πρὸς τούτῳ τῷ σχήματι ἐπίκεντρος ἔσται ὁ Κρόνος νυ-
κτός, ὁ δὲ Ἄρης ἡμέρας, καὶ μάλιστα ἐν τῷ Καρκίνῳ καὶ
τῇ Παρθένῳ καὶ τοῖς Ἰχθύσι.
Jeffrey Gibson is offline  
Old 04-05-2013, 01:52 AM   #383
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"A Most Strange Doctrine." Daimon in Plutarch by Frederick E. Brenk

The Classical Journal
Vol. 69, No. 1 (Oct. - Nov., 1973),


Quote:

INTRODUCTION ...


One of the most fascinating concepts in Greek literature
and philosophy is that of "daimon". No full treatment,
however, has appeared in recent times. [1973] ....

... one has only to notice the ambiguity with which the
word "daimon" is used by Greek authors in order to
understand why scholars have been reluctant to touch the
subject.

////


CONCLUSION ...


A study of Plutarch's use of daimon in the totality of his
works, therefore, gives a different impression than one
might get from random citations or concentration on any
one work. First even in the earliest writings there is a
keen interest in demonology, though this seems to be of the
traditional Empedoclean and Platonic type.

Next, throughout his works there seems to be a compulsive
urge to interpret the daimon not as an independent spirit
but as the higher part of the soul when it is within the body
or as the soul itself separated from the body.

///

Where the word daimon appears in the "Lives" is can be generally
associated with "tyche". Thus Plutarch, though offering in the
mouths of some of the personages he created the substance of
Neoplatonic demonology - a demonology which had its roots in
Xenocrates - remains faithful to the teaching of his divine
master Plato in "Timaeus" that the "daimon" is within us, the
higher part of the soul, capable through virtuous living of
attaining to the true apotheoisis.




εὐδαιμονία | eudaimonia
mountainman is offline  
Old 04-05-2013, 03:40 AM   #384
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Jeffrey Gibson View Post
Since summaries are being pointed to as evidence, here's a portion of the entres on Demon and Demoniac from the New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible:
New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (or via: amazon.co.uk)

A product of "contemporary biblical scholarship".


Quote:
DEMON [daimo/nion daimonion, dai/mwn daimo4n].
The Greek daimonion (“demon”) comes from the adjective daimonios (daimo/nioj, “divine”).
Related terms include daimon (divinity, a god, goddess) or pneuma (pneu~ma, spirit).
Generally, a demon is a preturnatural semi-divine entity,
from the ambiguous root daio4 (dai/w, tear apart, divide,” or, perhaps, “apportion or burn”).
The LJS entry states "more probably the Root of δαίμων (deity) is δαίω to distribute destinies;; cf. Alcm.48.)"

Which is more or less how Edwards reads Plotinus' idea on the daimon in the Enneads.


The Greek "daimon" [δαίμων] in the Enneads


Two Episodes in Porphyry's Life of Plotinus by M. J. Edwards

Quote:
Originally Posted by Page 457 of 456-464



The word "daimon" in the Enneads does not denote a power assigned,
like Socrates' "daimonion" [7], to a few high-favoured men; Plotinus'
views are expounded in the treatise "On Our Allotted Guardian Spirit"
(Enneads III,4), which, according to his biographer (VP 10.30-1), was
written soon after, if not as a result of, the encounted with his
divine companion. [8] The text for this disquisition is the statement
in Plato's "Republic" (620b) that each soul after death must choose its
daemon when the lots are distributed for a return to Life
. It is evident
that such a daemon is not a fit party to any form of magical encounter,
but Plotinus, a consistent exegete of Plato's dialogues, is disposed
(Enn III.4.3.1) to import the doctrine of the "Timaeus" (90a) that the
daemon is the highest, rational element of the human soul on earth.

Who is the daemon? He was so in life. And who the god? Again he who
already is so (III.4.3.1-3). Struggling for precision, the author tenders
the suggestion that for those who live according to the rational
injunctions of the soul - that is, for philosophers - the daemon is that
state of themselves which is higher even than the intellect (III.4.6.4);
the soul on earth is a passenger, which is piloted by its daemon through
the troubled seas of life (III.4.6.46ff). Earlier Platonism had employed
similar metaphor [9], but, whereas for Plutarch the daemons are the spirits
of the departed (De Deo Socratis 583), Plotinus says expressly that his
daemon is not so much a thing distinct from the self as a state above the
present one which the self should aspire to enjoy.

For every man the character of his daemon is determined by his present
level of being: our concepts of him must not be allowed to circumscribe
the freedom of the good man and to rob his works of merit (Enn III,4,6.2).
In this case, indeed the word daemon is a misnomer, for the man iof virtue
is one whose self-in-prospect must be something more than a daemon,
and must be reckoned at the very least a god (Enn.III.4.6.4).

So it would seem that Plotinus in his Enneads brings the Greek concept of the "daimon" full circle back to Plato at the end of the 3rd century.

The "daimon" in the Enneads is not some "evil devil".







εὐδαιμονία | eudaimonia
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Old 04-05-2013, 06:53 AM   #385
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Quote:
Originally Posted by mountainman View Post
"A Most Strange Doctrine." Daimon in Plutarch by Frederick E. Brenk

The Classical Journal
Vol. 69, No. 1 (Oct. - Nov., 1973),


Quote:

INTRODUCTION ...


One of the most fascinating concepts in Greek literature
and philosophy is that of "daimon". No full treatment,
however, has appeared in recent times. [1973] ....

... one has only to notice the ambiguity with which the
word "daimon" is used by Greek authors in order to
understand why scholars have been reluctant to touch the
subject.

////


CONCLUSION ...


A study of Plutarch's use of daimon in the totality of his
works, therefore, gives a different impression than one
might get from random citations or concentration on any
one work. First even in the earliest writings there is a
keen interest in demonology, though this seems to be of the
traditional Empedoclean and Platonic type.

Next, throughout his works there seems to be a compulsive
urge to interpret the daimon not as an independent spirit
but as the higher part of the soul when it is within the body
or as the soul itself separated from the body.

///

Where the word daimon appears in the "Lives" is can be generally
associated with "tyche". Thus Plutarch, though offering in the
mouths of some of the personages he created the substance of
Neoplatonic demonology - a demonology which had its roots in
Xenocrates - remains faithful to the teaching of his divine
master Plato in "Timaeus" that the "daimon" is within us, the
higher part of the soul, capable through virtuous living of
attaining to the true apotheoisis.


εὐδαιμονία | eudaimonia
Selective quotation th that gives a wrong impression about what this article claims regarding Plutarchs view of what a δαίμων was and a confusing of what Plutarch eventually came to use the word δαίμων to represent with what he says others in the pre BCE Greco Roman world believed a δαίμων was:

Quote:
Yet in De Iside et Osiride, probably later than De defectu oraculorum, he claims that Xenocrates held that apotropaic rites-without mention of human sacrifice-were meant for "malevolent and morose" evil daimones who rejoice in such things and are kept through them from doing more evil (361b). Thus, if Plutarch's memory did not fail him when writing De Iside et Osiride, much of the daimon lore was already in Xenocrates.
In other words, if you are presenting this as some kind of proof that Plutarch himself did not think that δαίμων daimon meant evil spirit, let alone he never used it with this meaning and, more importantly, that other "pagans" before him did not as well, you've both misread and misunderstood and misrepresented what Brenk has said.

Anyone who wants to see the full text of the article may write me off list to request a copy of it.

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Old 04-05-2013, 07:28 AM   #386
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I put a hold on David Brakke's book on gnositicism, and next to it in the listings, was "Demons and the Making of the Monk" so wtf.

A couple of things:

Plato's definition of daimons from the Symposium:

Quote:
[202e][...]for the whole of the spiritual is between divine and mortal.’

“‘Possessing what power?’ I asked.

“‘Interpreting and transporting human things to the gods and divine things to men; entreaties and sacrifices from below, and ordinances and requitals from above: being midway between, it makes each to supplement the other, so that the whole is combined in one. Through it are conveyed all divination and priestcraft concerning sacrifice and ritual [203a] and incantations, and all soothsaying and sorcery. God with man does not mingle: but the spiritual is the means of all society and converse of men with gods and of gods with men, whether waking or asleep. Whosoever has skill in these affairs is a spiritual man to have it in other matters, as in common arts and crafts, is for the mechanical. Many and multifarious are these spirits, and one of them is Love.’
Brakke also says:

Quote:
Scholars who study ancient understandings of the daimon often rightly use the more neutral English "daemon" to signal that the daimon was not always a negative force.
However, in the context of the Christian monastic tradition, demons were "unambiguously evil". This view was inherited from the apocalypticism(if that's a word) of early Christianity. While the sense of the impending end of the world receded, the struggle with the demonic forces did not.
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Old 04-05-2013, 07:40 AM   #387
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Quote:
Originally Posted by mountainman View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by Jeffrey Gibson View Post
Since summaries are being pointed to as evidence, here's a portion of the entres on Demon and Demoniac from the New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible:
New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (or via: amazon.co.uk)

A product of "contemporary biblical scholarship".
Which you have not shown is wrong in what it says. <snip>

But put your money where your mouth is, Pete, and write to Graham Twelftree, the author of the article, to tell and show him why he is wrong.


Quote:
Quote:
DEMON [daimo/nion daimonion, dai/mwn daimo4n].
The Greek daimonion (“demon”) comes from the adjective daimonios (daimo/nioj, “divine”).
Related terms include daimon (divinity, a god, goddess) or pneuma (pneu~ma, spirit).
Generally, a demon is a preturnatural semi-divine entity,
from the ambiguous root daio4 (dai/w, tear apart, divide,” or, perhaps, “apportion or burn”).
The LJS entry states "more probably the Root of δαίμων (deity) is δαίω to distribute destinies;; cf. Alcm.48.)"
LSJ says this??


BTW, Pete. Are you aware that both Liddel and Scott were ordained ministers? Scott served as Dean Ireland's Professor of the Exegesis of Holy Scripture at Oxford (a position my "doctor-father", George Caird, also held), from 1861 to 1870, So their work is also a product of Christian scholarship.

Quote:
Which is more or less how Edwards reads Plotinus' idea on the daimon in the Enneads.


The Greek "daimon" [δαίμων] in the Enneads


Two Episodes in Porphyry's Life of Plotinus by M. J. Edwards

Quote:
Originally Posted by Page 457 of 456-464



The word "daimon" in the Enneads does not denote a power assigned,
like Socrates' "daimonion" [7], to a few high-favoured men; Plotinus'
views are expounded in the treatise "On Our Allotted Guardian Spirit"
(Enneads III,4), which, according to his biographer (VP 10.30-1), was
written soon after, if not as a result of, the encounted with his
divine companion. [8] The text for this disquisition is the statement
in Plato's "Republic" (620b) that each soul after death must choose its
daemon when the lots are distributed for a return to Life
. It is evident
that such a daemon is not a fit party to any form of magical encounter,
but Plotinus, a consistent exegete of Plato's dialogues, is disposed
(Enn III.4.3.1) to import the doctrine of the "Timaeus" (90a)
that the
daemon is the highest, rational element of the human soul on earth.

Who is the daemon? He was so in life. And who the god? Again he who
already is so (III.4.3.1-3). Struggling for precision, the author tenders
the suggestion that for those who live according to the rational
injunctions of the soul - that is, for philosophers - the daemon is that
state of themselves which is higher even than the intellect (III.4.6.4);
the soul on earth is a passenger, which is piloted by its daemon through
the troubled seas of life (III.4.6.46ff). Earlier Platonism had employed
similar metaphor [9], but, whereas for Plutarch the daemons are the spirits
of the departed (De Deo Socratis 583), Plotinus says expressly that his
daemon is not so much a thing distinct from the self as a state above the
present one which the self should aspire to enjoy.

For every man the character of his daemon is determined by his present
level of being: our concepts of him must not be allowed to circumscribe
the freedom of the good man and to rob his works of merit (Enn III,4,6.2).
In this case, indeed the word daemon is a misnomer, for the man iof virtue
is one whose self-in-prospect must be something more than a daemon,
and must be reckoned at the very least a god (Enn.III.4.6.4).

So it would seem that Plotinus in his Enneads brings the Greek concept of the "daimon" full circle back to Plato at the end of the 3rd century.
Are you actually saying that Plato never thought that a δαίμων was an evil spirit? And to be precise -- which you are here not being -- what Plotinus is doing here is only to employ what Plato said in Rep. 620 about δαίμων through the lens of a doctrine in the Timaeus.

Quote:
The "daimon" in the Enneads is not some "evil devil".
In the entirety of the Enneads, or in just this section of it which, according to your source (which, typically, you seem to have misread, is only discussing Plato's use of the δαίμων in Republic 620 (ἐκείνην δ' ἑκάστῳ ὃν εἵλετο δαίμονα, τοῦτον φύλακα συμπέμπειν τοῦ βίου καὶ ἀποπληρωτὴν τῶν αἱρεθέντων.) Do you know? What has Plotinus to say about Plato's use of the word in the the Symposium?

And even if it is in the entirety of the work, so what? How is this evidence that daimon was not used with the sense of evil demon by other non Christian authors?

And what becomes of your previous claim that after Christianity, the word was invariably used by non Christians to mean "evil spirit"?

Jeffrey
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Old 04-06-2013, 01:49 AM   #388
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An interesting linguistic commentary on the mutual demonisation of devas and ashuras is at http://piereligion.org/pandemonium.html

It appears to show Zoroastrian roots for the demonisation of the devas.

Quote:
Zarathustra demonized the Gods of the Sanskrit speakers, and the Sanskrit speakers (Rig Vedic priesthood) demonized the Gods of the Zoroastrians (Avestan speakers) in turn. Conspicuous examples are the Devas and the Ashuras. Sanskrit speakers referred to the Devas as good Gods and the word devi, deva is a word for ‘a god, any god,’ whereas the Ashuras are demons in later Sanskrit literature. The Zoroastrians used the word ahura (cognate with Sanskrit ashura) as a word for ‘a god, any god,’ and Ahura Mazda is their highest God, whereas the daevas (cognate with Sanskrit devas) were demonized... this dualism and demonization were absorbed by the Hebrews during their sojourn in Babylon, and from there it passed into Christianity, according to George Cox, quoting M. Bréal, see p. 174 and 562, although interestingly, it is the “Asheras” that are demonized by the Jerusalem priesthood in the Old Testament.
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Old 04-06-2013, 08:12 PM   #389
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Horatio Parker View Post

Plato's definition of daimons from the Symposium:

Quote:
[202e][...]for the whole of the spiritual is between divine and mortal.’

“‘Possessing what power?’ I asked.

“‘Interpreting and transporting human things to the gods and divine things to men; entreaties and sacrifices from below, and ordinances and requitals from above: being midway between, it makes each to supplement the other, so that the whole is combined in one. Through it are conveyed all divination and priestcraft concerning sacrifice and ritual [203a] and incantations, and all soothsaying and sorcery. God with man does not mingle: but the spiritual is the means of all society and converse of men with gods and of gods with men, whether waking or asleep. Whosoever has skill in these affairs is a spiritual man to have it in other matters, as in common arts and crafts, is for the mechanical. Many and multifarious are these spirits, and one of them is Love.’

Thanks for this Horatio Parker.


Quote:
Brakke also says:

Quote:
Scholars who study ancient understandings of the daimon often rightly use the more neutral English "daemon" to signal that the daimon was not always a negative force.
However, in the context of the Christian monastic tradition, demons were "unambiguously evil".

AFAIK Jeffrey has not yet acknowledged this distinction.


Quote:
This view was inherited from the apocalypticism (if that's a word) of early Christianity. While the sense of the impending end of the world receded, the struggle with the demonic forces did not.
Another way of saying this is that ...

Behind the Christian nation there was Christ,
just as the devil was behind its enemies.



εὐδαιμονία | eudaimonia
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Old 04-07-2013, 08:13 PM   #390
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Quote:
Originally Posted by Jeffrey Gibson View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by mountainman View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by Jeffrey Gibson View Post
Since summaries are being pointed to as evidence, here's a portion of the entres on Demon and Demoniac from the New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible:
New Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (or via: amazon.co.uk)

A product of "contemporary biblical scholarship".
Which you have not shown is wrong in what it says.
What may be clearly demonstrated about this source is that it is focussed only upon those sources that are directly or indirectly related to the Bible with the understanding that such a restriction is warranted in this specific exercise in determining what the ancient Greeks wrote and believed in regard to their concept of the "daimon".


Quote:
It is only the desperate man who resorts to such fallacies as poisoning of the well to make his case.
You know, don't you, that I could accuse you of the same "crime" in the sense that you have tendered a decidedly and exclusively "Christian Biblical Scholarship" source in an attempt to poison the well of what the ancient Greeks thought and expressed about their concept of the "daimon".


Quote:
But put your money where your mouth is, Pete, and write to Graham Twelftree, the author of the article, to tell and show him why he is wrong.

The author conflates the two distinct concepts of "daimon" and "daimonion" into one entry which are distinct and separated in the Liddel and Scott lexicon.


Quote:
Quote:
Quote:
DEMON [daimo/nion daimonion, dai/mwn daimo4n].
The Greek daimonion (“demon”) comes from the adjective daimonios (daimo/nioj, “divine”).
Related terms include daimon (divinity, a god, goddess) or pneuma (pneu~ma, spirit).
Generally, a demon is a preturnatural semi-divine entity,
from the ambiguous root daio4 (dai/w, tear apart, divide,” or, perhaps, “apportion or burn”).
The LJS entry states "more probably the Root of δαίμων (deity) is δαίω to distribute destinies;; cf. Alcm.48.)"
LSJ says this??
In your "Biblical Scholarship" treatment the list of relevant sources is exceedingly restricted, whereas in the LSJ treatment the list of relevant sources as outlined in Perseus Collection of Greek and Roman Materials is not so restricted. In the LSJ the biblical material is but one small subset of the whole list of documentary sources, as can be immediately perceived.

Quote:
BTW, Pete. Are you aware that both Liddel and Scott were ordained ministers? Scott served as Dean Ireland's Professor of the Exegesis of Holy Scripture at Oxford (a position my "doctor-father", George Caird, also held), from 1861 to 1870, So their work is also a product of Christian scholarship.
What other type of scholarship was there in this field in the 19th century? As Momigliano noted: "We sometimes forget that Eduard Meyer was, at least in Germany, the first non-theologian to write a scholarly history of the origins of Christianity, and this happened only in 1921.






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