FRDB Archives

Freethought & Rationalism Archive

The archives are read only.


Go Back   FRDB Archives > Archives > Religion (Closed) > Biblical Criticism & History
Welcome, Peter Kirby.
You last visited: Yesterday at 03:12 PM

 
 
Thread Tools Search this Thread
Old 07-20-2007, 04:04 PM   #221
Veteran Member
 
Join Date: Oct 2005
Location: Ontario, Canada
Posts: 1,435
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by Kevin
They were “just silent”? What about the “denials” that you constantly see in them? This is a fundamental inconsistency in your model: you say on the one hand that these texts were ambiguous enough to seem compatible and generally inoffensive to the orthodox; on the other hand you say that these texts are filled with denials of the HJ. We, supposedly, can see them, but the orthodox, who had far more at stake in being careful and suspicious, and had far more ability than we do to find out about these texts, never identified the texts with a group that was not small, was spread out around the Mediterranean, and was producing public writings.

This tension seems intrinsic to your model and nothing you have offered makes me feel that your proposed scenario is probable, to say nothing of secure.

You should also know something further about how this tension sounds in the ears of your listeners (at least your HJ listeners). You appeal over and over again (especially in your last long post, which I may not get to until next week) to the sheer obviousness of the HJ-rejection in these texts. But then you say that these texts were “more or less compatible with developing orthodoxy.” I am not just pointing out a tension or contradiction: I’m saying that it also undercuts the confidence that any observer might have for either set of arguments that you make. Both sets seem at war with each other, and rather than both appearing to be persuasive, or even one looking correct, it looks like neither set can be built on a secure foundation, if one is routinely contradicted by the other.
You are making a mountain out of a molehill. The very fact that Tertullian could use Felix rather than condemn him shows that these people were not perceptive. The very fact that they could accept, without revising wholesale, the epistles of Paul which said nothing about the Gospel Jesus and simply read the latter into him, shows that they were not "careful" in how they interpreted texts. Can you possibly look at the irrationality and naivete of early Christian writers and impute any such things to them?

The contradication, the "evident denial" is (supposedly) apparent to us because people like me are not afraid to point them out. The closest thing to a realization of the problem in traditional scholarship on these writings was J. Baylis (I think it was, I'm not going to trouble to track it down), who at one point voiced the opinion that Felix "almost seems to deny" the HJ in his effort to do such-and-such.

Those scholars didn't accept those passages as outright denials; you and others here don't either. Why is it such a surprise that later Christian commentators would do the same and simply read into them what they wanted to see there? We also have no way of knowing how much they might have scratched their heads, or lay awake at night, wondering how Felix could have expressed himself quite as he did, or why Theophilus gave a very misleading definition of "Christian", before getting up in the morning and deciding it would be nice to have a document like that, so well-written and philosophical, something that could rival the pagan philosophers. Gee, he must have been talking about our Jesus of Nazareth. Full speed ahead.

Earl Doherty
EarlDoherty is offline  
Old 07-20-2007, 04:38 PM   #222
Veteran Member
 
Join Date: Oct 2005
Location: Ontario, Canada
Posts: 1,435
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by Kevin
Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty
But let’s turn the coin over. You ask why Irenaeus, for example, did not regard someone like Theophilus as heretical. I could ask that, too. After all, even under the assumption that he was a believer in an HJ, Theophilus says things which are at odds with Irenaeus’ view and standard orthodoxy. How could Irenaeus have accepted his “the Son is not a son in the sense of begetting…”? Wouldn’t that be taken as a denial of Jesus’ divine parentage?
Once again, here is the actual quote from Theophilus:

Quote:
But what else is this voice but the Word of God, who is also His Son? Not as the poets and writers of myths talk of the sons of gods begotten from intercourse [with women], but as truth expounds, the Word, that always exists, residing within the heart of God. (II, 22).
You have left out the critical qualification, “from intercourse”, in your quote above. With that qualification, there is no reason for Irenaeus to suspect here that Theophilus was denying Jesus’ divine parentage: clearly what is denied is a begetting through intercourse.

Where the qualification “from intercourse” occurs, you have put an ellipsis.

I don’t know why that is, because on a previous page in this thread, you did quote this sentence from Theophilus in full, with the phrase, “from intercourse.” So I can hardly believe that it was not in your translation or that you’d simply forgotten it was there.

Quote:
Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty, quoting Theophilus
Further, this Word of God “is also His Son…Not as the poets and writers of myths talk of the sons of gods begotten from intercourse but as truth expounds, the Word, that always exists, residing within the heart of God.”
So after asking time and again where your apologists, if they were HJ, put in what you have called a “saving qualification” for their HJ savior, you now cover up an obvious saving qualification with an ellipsis? Just so the qualification does not get in the way of presenting this apologist as unorthodox?

Yes, that’s how bad it looks.

What’s your explanation?
I can't believe this. Where is the icon for tearing one's hair out?

Do you really believe that this is a "saving qualification" on Theophilus' part? That he deliberately put in "from intercourse" in order to signal to the Christian reader that this rules out Jesus (or rather, rules him in)? That he would have relied on such readers to recognize such subtlety? Besides, these writings were not directed at Christians. They were not meant to assuage the sensibilities and quiet the antenna of heresiologists like Irenaeus. They were directed at pagans. Do you think pagans would have recognized such subtle qualifications? That such things would have rescued them from pagans who would have regarded such remarks by apologists as contradicting or denigrating their own religion?

Please, Kevin, give me a break. It is this kind of thing, this appeal to, if not invention of, obscure and minute hair-splitting considerations that no normal person would even think of (only desperate apologists who are searching for anything that could remotely be used as a counter), which renders debates like this fruitless, because it shows that people like me will never be allowed any headway, that our arguments will never be allowed to make any impact. I am on the verge of putting you in the same category as Don, a complete waste of time.

Especially as you are intimating that I am somehow suppressing these things--on this one occasion, even though I didn't do so on another! I suppose I should be flattered that you consider me perceptive enough to have recognized this as a dangerous threat to my argument and thus cut the telltale words, but really... For me, the idea of "begetting" was sufficient to rule out God's begetting of Jesus through the Holy Spirit and make this a contradiction.

And anyway, how do we know the Holy Spirit didn't have intercourse with Mary? How did he impregnate her? And how do we know Theophilus believed in a virgin birth? He certainly says nothing whatever about a human Jesus. For all you know, he may even have subscribed to Paul's Romans 1:3. Jesus was of the seed of David, I thought? How did David's seed get in there?

And furthermore, you may be right. I never thought of that. Irenaeus was so perceptive, his antennae were so fine-tuned, that given his own beliefs in what was non-heretical, he may have read this passage in Theophilus, and took Theophilus as being similarly orthodox and never recognized this as a denial of the human historical Jesus. He might well have thought, anyone who could be that subtle must have been equally subtle everywhere else and was really talking about our Gospel Jesus. Welcome to the fold, Theophilus.

(Lacking a suitable icon, I'd better point out that the foregoing paragraph was meant to be facetious.)

Earl Doherty
EarlDoherty is offline  
Old 07-20-2007, 07:06 PM   #223
Regular Member
 
Join Date: Jul 2005
Location: Brooklyn, NY
Posts: 294
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by Kevin
They were “just silent”? What about the “denials” that you constantly see in them? This is a fundamental inconsistency in your model: you say on the one hand that these texts were ambiguous enough to seem compatible and generally inoffensive to the orthodox; on the other hand you say that these texts are filled with denials of the HJ. We, supposedly, can see them, but the orthodox, who had far more at stake in being careful and suspicious, and had far more ability than we do to find out about these texts, never identified the texts with a group that was not small, was spread out around the Mediterranean, and was producing public writings.

This tension seems intrinsic to your model and nothing you have offered makes me feel that your proposed scenario is probable, to say nothing of secure.

You should also know something further about how this tension sounds in the ears of your listeners (at least your HJ listeners). You appeal over and over again (especially in your last long post, which I may not get to until next week) to the sheer obviousness of the HJ-rejection in these texts. But then you say that these texts were “more or less compatible with developing orthodoxy.” I am not just pointing out a tension or contradiction: I’m saying that it also undercuts the confidence that any observer might have for either set of arguments that you make. Both sets seem at war with each other, and rather than both appearing to be persuasive, or even one looking correct, it looks like neither set can be built on a secure foundation, if one is routinely contradicted by the other.
You are making a mountain out of a molehill. The very fact that Tertullian could use Felix rather than condemn him shows that these people were not perceptive. The very fact that they could accept, without revising wholesale, the epistles of Paul which said nothing about the Gospel Jesus and simply read the latter into him, shows that they were not "careful" in how they interpreted texts. Can you possibly look at the irrationality and naivete of early Christian writers and impute any such things to them?

The contradication, the "evident denial" is (supposedly) apparent to us because people like me are not afraid to point them out. The closest thing to a realization of the problem in traditional scholarship on these writings was J. Baylis (I think it was, I'm not going to trouble to track it down), who at one point voiced the opinion that Felix "almost seems to deny" the HJ in his effort to do such-and-such.

Those scholars didn't accept those passages as outright denials; you and others here don't either. Why is it such a surprise that later Christian commentators would do the same and simply read into them what they wanted to see there? We also have no way of knowing how much they might have scratched their heads, or lay awake at night, wondering how Felix could have expressed himself quite as he did, or why Theophilus gave a very misleading definition of "Christian", before getting up in the morning and deciding it would be nice to have a document like that, so well-written and philosophical, something that could rival the pagan philosophers. Gee, he must have been talking about our Jesus of Nazareth. Full speed ahead.

Earl Doherty
I think, Earl, that here you are just slipping into calling your own conclusions "facts" and using them, in a circular fashion to support your own conclusions. That's exactly what it is, when you claim that the orthodox were not perceptive (which is bordering on offensive rhetoric, the way you constantly barrage ancient and modern Christians as unperceptive), then use the "fact" of Tertullian's use of Felix (and the "fact" that it was an unperceptive use), and the "fact" that Paul was unperceptively misused, as evidence that the orthodox in general just misunderstood your group. I'm sorry, but this is nothing but a frustrated appeal for others to see the "facts" of your case and to use them as support for your individual claims. You want to support your claim that the orthodox didn't perceive the Logos-group clearly? Then do it with arguments, not by dragging in the controversial "facts" of what happened with Tertullian/Felix on the one hand and Paul on the other, to say that the case is cinched. The ENTIRE claim for misunderstood texts, from Paul straight through Felix, is under question, and it will not do to say that because misunderstanding occurred as a "fact" in one instance that the other instance is also demonstrated.

A board like this should have a field day with such "arguments." You are slipping simply into self-certainty and the rhetoric of conviction, from which you repeat over and over what you believe.

You like to compare modern Christians with ancient ones in a number of ways, and here you do it again, saying that modern Christians who merely, in your eyes, want to see an HJ, are the same as the ancient orthodox who simply wanted to see the HJ in these documents. Well let's grant you that they wanted to see that their movement was spreading: everyone WANTS to believe that they have friends. Seeing a document from a stranger, sure, you'd WANT to believe that it was from a friend. But the next thing is confirmation. I've spoken about that already: any approach made to these authors would have quickly confirmed that Jesus was not present in any way in their theologies, and would make them unorthodox; and would identify their Logos-philosophy as unorthodox, But these Logos-Christians seemed to share ideas and perhaps even texts (even if only as allegories) with the orthodox even then, so the orthodox would want to keep these people identified as unorthodox, would not want to forget it, anymore than they wanted to forget that Gnostics who seemed in every external way to hold the orthodox truths were actually unorthodox and to be censured as such.

What you don't get is that the orthodox would have been as suspicious of these documents as you are. You like to group yourself among those few who suspect these documents as unorthodox, but you fail to see that the orthodox of the time would have been deeply suspicious of any documents from others who called themselves "Christians."

Kevin Rosero
krosero is offline  
Old 07-20-2007, 08:18 PM   #224
Regular Member
 
Join Date: Jul 2005
Location: Brooklyn, NY
Posts: 294
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by Kevin
You have left out the critical qualification, “from intercourse”, in your quote above. With that qualification, there is no reason for Irenaeus to suspect here that Theophilus was denying Jesus’ divine parentage: clearly what is denied is a begetting through intercourse.

Where the qualification “from intercourse” occurs, you have put an ellipsis.

...

So after asking time and again where your apologists, if they were HJ, put in what you have called a “saving qualification” for their HJ savior, you now cover up an obvious saving qualification with an ellipsis? Just so the qualification does not get in the way of presenting this apologist as unorthodox?

Yes, that’s how bad it looks.

What’s your explanation?
I can't believe this. Where is the icon for tearing one's hair out?

Do you really believe that this is a "saving qualification" on Theophilus' part? That he deliberately put in "from intercourse" in order to signal to the Christian reader that this rules out Jesus (or rather, rules him in)? That he would have relied on such readers to recognize such subtlety? Besides, these writings were not directed at Christians. They were not meant to assuage the sensibilities and quiet the antenna of heresiologists like Irenaeus. They were directed at pagans. Do you think pagans would have recognized such subtle qualifications? That such things would have rescued them from pagans who would have regarded such remarks by apologists as contradicting or denigrating their own religion?

Please, Kevin, give me a break. It is this kind of thing, this appeal to, if not invention of, obscure and minute hair-splitting considerations that no normal person would even think of (only desperate apologists who are searching for anything that could remotely be used as a counter), which renders debates like this fruitless, because it shows that people like me will never be allowed any headway, that our arguments will never be allowed to make any impact. I am on the verge of putting you in the same category as Don, a complete waste of time.

Especially as you are intimating that I am somehow suppressing these things--on this one occasion, even though I didn't do so on another! I suppose I should be flattered that you consider me perceptive enough to have recognized this as a dangerous threat to my argument and thus cut the telltale words, but really... For me, the idea of "begetting" was sufficient to rule out God's begetting of Jesus through the Holy Spirit and make this a contradiction.

And anyway, how do we know the Holy Spirit didn't have intercourse with Mary? How did he impregnate her? And how do we know Theophilus believed in a virgin birth? He certainly says nothing whatever about a human Jesus. For all you know, he may even have subscribed to Paul's Romans 1:3. Jesus was of the seed of David, I thought? How did David's seed get in there?

And furthermore, you may be right. I never thought of that. Irenaeus was so perceptive, his antennae were so fine-tuned, that given his own beliefs in what was non-heretical, he may have read this passage in Theophilus, and took Theophilus as being similarly orthodox and never recognized this as a denial of the human historical Jesus. He might well have thought, anyone who could be that subtle must have been equally subtle everywhere else and was really talking about our Gospel Jesus. Welcome to the fold, Theophilus.

(Lacking a suitable icon, I'd better point out that the foregoing paragraph was meant to be facetious.)

Earl Doherty
This is some of the most outrageous writing I've ever seen from you. Do I think that "from intercourse" qualifies as a saving qualification? Of course I do. As a Christian, no less attuned than ancient apologists to the difference between Christianity and paganism, a phrase differentiating God's Son from the "sons of god" who were begotten from intercourse is an obvious qualification. The phrase "from intercourse" stands out immediately to my eyes, quite to the contrary from your suggestion that I had to look for it in any way -- much less that I was striving to slit hairs in order to find it.

How did you put it? "invention of, obscure and minute hair-splitting considerations that no normal person would even think of (only desperate apologists who are searching for anything that could remotely be used as a counter)."

This rhetoric cannot be denounced enough, and I reject it categorically as appropriate to these discussions.

Earl, I asked you for qualification and said that it looked like some kind of conscious suppression of important data NOT because I think that you do that. (I asked you for your explanation, after all). Ever since encountering your arguments I have never thought that you operated that way. I actually have a good deal more respect for you than that, and have tried as much as possible to figure out how it is that you could hold such diametrically opposite opinions from my own. I actually could not figure out how you would slip over what looked to my like an obvious qualification, sitting right there in the sentence where a qualifying phrase would go (and not a qualification that I had to search widely for or do any hair-splitting to produce), and just apparently ignore it. And it looked like you were discounting it even as a POSSIBILITY, because all your rhetoric about this passage is that it is smoking DENIAL (and you're still hanging onto that rhetoric).

Why did it seem to me inexplicable that you missed or erased this qualification? Not from disrespect, but because you have constantly said that context is everything. I've seen the way you carefully differentiate statements in the MJ authors from similar statements in the HJ authors -- you did it through very detailed consideration of the context. I have not found your treatments of the context convincing, but anyone can see that you do care a great deal about context, or at least that you consider it a lot.

Yet more times than I can count, you have told us that the saving qualifications are not in the Logos-apologists no matter how hard one looks. But this one was sitting right there, requiring no explanation from me because I saw it as obvious -- so I could not believe that you just skipped it over.

So what am to make of it when you not only take out a qualification (it is even, grammatically, a qualifying phrase), with an ellipsis, and when challenged as to why you left out the context, you come back with a post stating that this qualification is worthless and not even worth considering?

I see no reason why someone like Irenaeus would not have regarded as orthodox any statement to the effect that the Son of God was not the same as the sons of gods begotten from intercourse, that he was not begotten as they were. As to what the pagan readership would have thought, that is a better question. (But note -- you have a good QUESTION, not an argument justifying the ignoring of context). You ask how the pagan readership could have known that this was different from Jesus. Well first of all, it's unclear just how much the pagan readership knew about Jesus. But they did know that the Christians were worshipping an invisible monotheistic God (Felix's antagonist scorns the fact that this God is invisible); and when a Christian spoke about this invisible God begetting a Son, I don't think it's farfetched to wonder just how immediately they would have made a parallel between the way this God begat a Son and the way that their visible gods begat children through physical contact with women.

Moreover, they could have known more about Christianity than its monotheism and its invisible God. You ask how we know that Theophilus' audience knew about the virgin birth. Well let me say first off that we don't know it for sure, and can't know something like this for sure. So to hell with your assertions that we're all just reading the HJ blithely into even a document like Theophilus and sailing ahead like there's no problem. That sort of rhetoric demonstrates conclusively that you do not understand your opponents even in a basic manner and that there is no point in continuing -- especially because in my last post I have already put you on notice that such arguments from scorn are entirely out of line, and confirmed that there is a silence to be dealt with. Why else would we be here, if not to implicitly acknowledge that the problem is interesting and worth considering?

Matthew, the gospel which has a virgin birth, is the gospel that Theophilus seems to know best (Ben listed the points of contact above). That gospel was the most popular among the Church Fathers; and as Ben pointed out, it reputedly originated in Antioch. You will not let us assign Theophilus to Antioch, because you dismiss any report from later Christians (and particularly anything from Eusebius) with a wave of the hand -- but that has to stop. You are going to have to give us something else explaining how later Church writers could have thought to retroactively assign Theophilus to an important office as bishop of Antioch, as successor to Ignatius, if they knew nothing about him; somehow explain to us how other apostate Christians were remembered and long mistrusted, but this guy goes unnoticed by the orthodox of his time, and was simply adulated by the later church despite their nothing about him; or else he was noticed by the orthodox in his own time, but the memory of his heresy is forgotten in the third century, so that eventually he becomes a saint.

It was around the time of Theophilus, too, that Celsus was telling a story about Mary's fornication, which can easily be imagined as a reactionary polemic against the story of the virgin birth (a story made known by the best-known gospel of the time).

Whether Theophilus' immediately audience knew of the virgin birth is unknown, but I don't think that the Christian claim that their invisible God sired a son through a virgin female was so unknown to pagans that an apologist who contrasted the Son against pagan gods born "of intercourse" would have seemed self-condemning to them.

So go ahead, tell me that this is all irrational and not worth considering.

Show me your character.

Kevin Rosero
krosero is offline  
Old 07-21-2007, 09:24 AM   #225
Veteran Member
 
Join Date: May 2005
Location: Midwest
Posts: 4,787
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
Justin, after investigating other philosophies like Platonism and Stoicism (see Trypho II), is converted to the Jewish God through the Jewish scriptures. The contrast throughout them all is simply with paganism, with ‘godlessness’ as they see it. The “doctrines of error” applies to everything that is not “Christian” (as Theophilus subscribes to it). What he means by, or even what the word in Greek actually is for “heresies” I don’t offhand know, I can’t find a Greek text online, and the seminary copy I have looked at in the past would take me half a day to get at.
I suggest you try Skeptik. I have an index of (most of) their Greek and Latin texts on my site. Both Justin and Theophilus are included.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
On the matter of the name “John” being attached to the “spirit-bearing [inspired] men, one of whom…says,” the insertion of the name John is certainly feasible as the product of a later copyist who, reading this passage took the very natural and common step to offer the name of John, since to him it was obvious who Theophilus was referring to.
This is an oversimplification. Without the name John we have παντες οι πνευματοφοροι, εξ ων λεγει. This makes little sense. We need an expressed subject for λεγει in this case, even if something as vague as τις or εις.

The interpolation of the name John would have to involve a little bit more than a single name slipping in from the margin. Something had to have been removed (unnecessarily, I might add, since one of whom, John, says would make sense).

Ben.
Ben C Smith is offline  
Old 07-21-2007, 09:44 AM   #226
Veteran Member
 
Join Date: May 2005
Location: Midwest
Posts: 4,787
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by krosero View Post
Matthew, the gospel which has a virgin birth, is the gospel that Theophilus seems to know best (Ben listed the points of contact above).
I was surprised to find this on an earlier post in this thread:

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
First, since John is the only Gospel [Theophilus] comes anywhere near to showing a knowledge of, this is anything but justified.
The only gospel? Anywhere near?

But, my friends, the tone is getting shrill.

Ben.
Ben C Smith is offline  
Old 07-21-2007, 10:33 AM   #227
Regular Member
 
Join Date: Jul 2005
Location: Brooklyn, NY
Posts: 294
Default

It is time, I think, to de-escalate this. Earl, I will be posting a reply to your last long post, and after that I'd like you to have the last word (if you wish). I'd like to do that because it was I who was pushing for a debate, and you took the time to participate.

I see a number of problems here which I think can only get worse. Firstly, the topic is too wide, and I think that you saw, as I did not, that the topic was going to be too big to discuss; and it has even ranged beyond the topic which you foresaw, namely the second century apologists.

A subject this big demands careful consideration and even research, but quick posts on a debating thread do not do it justice. It is not only exhausting to do it this way (I have written nearly as many words as I did in my long essay, which took months to write; no one can keep up this pace, as you've seemed to hint a few times), it also means that important points will get lost when these long posts are being read, or that they won't be made clearly, since we're producing long posts relatively quickly -- and then we just get misunderstanding, and time wasted in clearing it up. Meanwhile big questions are being asked that should be considered at leisure.

If a manageable topic were to come up in our debates, Earl, as one did for you and Don, then I would be pleased to have a formal debate in which thoughtful essays could be written and there is no chance of heated escalation. Obviously what I want to do anyway is to write long essays, as you can all see , so this is not the place to have the debate I wanted. I'm sure, now, that when I dropped my long essay on this site in March, it received little response for a simple reason: forum threads are not made for such huge subject matters.

I think, then, that the heatedness of the recent exchanges can only grow worse.

TedH, I am not trying to blow you off, and if you have any questions you still want to ask me at this point, please feel free to do so. But I am basically done here and I think it's time to de-escalate. The problems here are general and nothing to do particularly between me and Earl.

My apologies to both of you for any disrespect; it was not intentional.

Kevin Rosero
krosero is offline  
Old 07-21-2007, 11:07 AM   #228
Regular Member
 
Join Date: Jul 2005
Location: Brooklyn, NY
Posts: 294
Default

Quote:
You will say, then, to me: "You said that God ought not to be contained in a place, and how do you now say that He walked in Paradise?" Hear what I say. The God and Father, indeed, of all cannot be contained, and is not found in a place, for there is no place of His rest; but His Word, through whom He made all things, being His power and His wisdom, assuming the person of the Father and Lord of all, went to the garden in the person of God, and conversed with Adam. For the divine writing itself teaches us that Adam said that he had heard the voice. But what else is this voice but the Word of God, who is also His Son? Not as the poets and writers of myths talk of the sons of gods begotten from intercourse [with women], but as truth expounds, the Word, that always exists, residing within the heart of God. For before anything came into being He had Him as a counsellor, being His own mind and thought. But when God wished to make all that He determined on, He begot this Word, uttered, the first-born of all creation, not Himself being emptied of the Word [Reason], but having begotten Reason, and always conversing with His Reason. And hence the holy writings teach us, and all the spirit-bearing [inspired] men, one of whom, John, says, "In the beginning was the Word, and the Word was with God," showing that at first God was alone, and the Word in Him. Then he says, "The Word was God; all things came into existence through Him; and apart from Him not one thing came into existence." The Word, then, being God, and being naturally produced from God, whenever the Father of the universe wills, He sends Him to any place; and He, coming, is both heard and seen, being sent by Him, and is found in a place.
Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty View Post
There is no getting around that the … passage above is indeed “a virtual denial of an incarnation.” Theophilus is clearly saying: Now, don’t think that I am defining the Son in the sense that the poets do, that is of a son fathered on a mortal woman (in the context, of course, of such a son living on earth), but he is a Son and Word who resides in the heart of God.”
According to the translation you give above, Theophilus is saying that the Son is not one of the sons of gods begotten “from intercourse.” That’s a perfectly orthodox statement. You paraphrase it as “a son fathered on a mortal woman,” apparently because you’re trying to highlight a contradiction against God fathering Jesus through Mary, a mortal woman.

I’m serious: is there something in the Greek original that is more properly translated as “a son fathered on a mortal woman,” rather than the text you used, “sons of god begotten from intercourse”?

Is there is a plain word for sexual intercourse in the original?

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
The latter being the standard Logos idea, that from God emanates an aspect of him; he is his “first-born” (as Philo also puts it). This “Word” has a separateness, but is continually in contact and contiguous with God.

Now where is the crack in this description of the Son, and the clear denial of what he is not (a son begotten in the sense of being ‘born of a woman’), in which an incarnated Jesus could find a foothold?
Here you use another strange paraphrase: “born of woman,” as if to say that Theophilus is denying that the Son he worships was born from a human mother.

I might as well ask again: is there anything in the original Greek that should be better translated as “born of woman”?

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
You claim that since Theophilus is arguing that the Son/Word can be “sent to a place” so that God can, in a philosophically permitted way, be “found in a place,” this means that he can also have in mind being sent to the world as the historical Jesus. This founders on two considerations. One is strict logic. If we are questioning whether Mr. X went to Los Angeles, and we come across a record that he went to Atlanta, you can hardly say, “See. He went to Atlanta. That means he also went to Los Angeles!” (Whether he could have gone to L.A. is a different matter, and is simply theoretical.)
But we’re not saying that because he mentions one thing, then the other is present also in the text. There is a silence on Jesus (on L.A., in your analogy). My argument has been about whether there is a “denial,” a logical contradiction. Hence the importance of finding out whether Theophilus was denying a birth “from intercourse” or denying, in your paraphrases, a Son “fathered on a woman” or a Son “born of woman”.

(Note that if he is denying the latter things, his theology could still be docetic, and not the Logos-religion that you have in mind. In your posts from Friday you talk about hair-splitting, but to my mind nothing could be more important than reading the texts precisely).

Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty
In either Theophilus’ mind, or any pagan mind, if the Word is part of God, why would it occur to him to refer to such a God “being in a place” only in terms of him walking in Paradise? Surely the most momentous and immediate example of God “being in a place on earth” would have been in the form of Jesus’ recent human incarnation! This would have been an even more philosophically objectionable idea of God being in a “place” than simply having his spirit come to the Garden of Eden and speak to Adam and Eve.
I am not sure that the incarnation in Jesus would have been more of a philosophical problem than saying that God walked in Paradise. How many pagans, when they heard of the crucified man being worshipped, would have thought that this man was supposed to confine God in a place? If he was known as some sort of son of God, well, a son does not confine the father to a place – and that is why Theophilus says to Autolycus that it’s not God we’re talking about when we say that he walked in a paradise, but an offspring, his Son/Word.

Theophilus had said that God was not “confined in a place” (II, ch. 3); that’s the philosophical no-no, as you say. He then says, quoting or paraphrasing Genesis: “And they heard the voice of the LORD God walking in the garden in the cool of the day” (ch. 21). In the next chapter he addresses the seeming contradiction that “walking” raises, because it seems as if he’s saying that God himself walked in Paradise. Hence he clarifies that it was not God, but God’s offspring, the Word, taking on the “person of God, and conversing with Adam.” He ends that chapter with the general assertion that the Word can be seen and heard when sent to a place (though by then he is no longer talking about Paradise specifically and there is no suggestion that Adam actually saw God’s Word in Paradise; the story about Adam had specifically said only that he heard).

It is not Christian doctrine that Jesus confined God to a place. It may be Christian doctrine that the Son is equivalent to the Father, but that is later Trinitarian thinking – and even then there is no claim that God, being confined to the Son, actually left heaven and was confined for a time to Jesus’ body.

A brief analogy. Which is more self-contradictory within Christian doctrine, the idea that in Genesis, God came to Abraham and ate a meal with him, looking like an ordinary man – or the idea that God’s Son died on earth? Which one of these two scenarios seems like the greater contradiction of the Christian idea that God, in Theophilus’ words, “is not contained, but is Himself the place of all?”

I think the former. But that’s just me.


Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
And there’s another passage from the above quote you are ignoring:

“But when God wished to make all that He determined on, He begot this Word, uttered, the first-born of all creation…”

All he determined on? Did he not determine on salvation, on redemption from the Fall, on an atoning sacrifice for sin? Since this was supposedly a significant part of God’s “determination,” should Theophilus not have mentioned the later “begetting” of Jesus to earth as a human being to carry out that divine purpose?
Some of your arguments are better than others, and this is one that honestly makes me shrug my shoulders. It’s one thing for Theophilus never to bring Jesus in throughout his work; it’s another to say that in the middle of a very long section concentrating on Genesis, creation, and the Flood, he should have mentioned Jesus just because he had alluded vaguely to “all” that God determined upon.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
The actual links you mention above have geographical connections. Tertullian and Felix were both writing in North Africa. Tatian lived in Rome, and it was there that Irenaeus visited (around 177) and went back to Gaul to write tracts against the heresies he became familiar with there. If he never encountered writings of Athenagoras and Theophilus further east, that would hardly be surprising.
I have never argued that Irenaeus himself knew them. What I tried to do was to imagine the orthodox as a whole, having some kind of interaction with your group. I have not heard you deny that there was interaction; what you have done is to stick to the extant documents, while presenting any attempt to imagine the relationship of the two groups, beyond the extant texts, as fantasy. I think it’s right to give the extant documents pride of place, but I think it goes too far to say that all else is useless speculation. What your emphasis does is tell me that you’re a certain kind of conservative historian (no insult intended there). It also tells me that you’re working from the tradition of studying individuals, as distinct from a social historian who tries to reconstruct as much as he can about the everyday lives of entire groups.

I had a history professor in college who impressed upon us that we have to try to imagine the past. And he was just the person to do it, because he was not a New Age sort of person and did not possess the type of mind given to fanciful speculation; he accepted no nonsense and was actually a very conservative man. But he thought it was essential to try to imagine, for instance, the ordinary thoughts that Christians and Jews might have had about each other in their ordinary interactions during the Middle Ages, as anti-Semitism spread. In the spirit of that sort of imagination, I gave you some thoughts that an orthodox Christian might have when hearing about an apology from another Christian, from your group. I think my thoughts were hardly outlandish, and your quick dismissal of them as “fantasy” does, at least, tell me what kind of historian you are – but no disrespect intended.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty
Do you think Irenaeus went about the empire tracking down every document, or even every little cell of belief, to see if it agreed or disagreed?
Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
Quote:
Originally Posted by Kevin
The apologies in question were public documents. If I were an orthodox Christian leader of the time, and I heard that a certain apologist was directing an apology to the Emperor or other important public figure on behalf of “Christians”, I’d be curious whether it came from an ally or enemy. Then I hear, or read, that the apology seems to be quoting from all the texts that I revere. Is this from an ally? But what if it isn’t? What if then I hear, or read, that this apology makes no distinction between its own Christians and my own? Well then it really appears like it could come from an orthodox Christian. But is it? I ask myself, what if it comes from the pen of a heretic who mouths the orthodox creeds but has his own secret, Gnostic interpretation? What is the Emperor hearing? Will he think that what he is hearing applies to all Christians? What is being said about “Christians” in this apology that might reflect on us? Is the apology in any way misleading or dangerous?
This is fantasy, Kevin. How is an heresiologist like Irenaeus, living in the south of Gaul, to learn about Athenagoras of Athens’ apology to the emperor, find a copy, and subject it to this kind of review?
There, that emphasis again on the individual (Irenaeus), when in actuality both the orthodox and your Logos-group were spread out widely (and philosophers tend to concentrate in big cities, and to talk to one another).

When I present the orthodox as curious about other Christian documents, I think I’m on solid ground. This is from Bart Ehrman’s Lost Christianities:

Quote:
The proto-orthodox were in constant communication with one another, determined to establish theirs as a worldwide communion. Witness the allies who met Ignatius on his way to martyrdom and the letters he wrote in return, the letter written by the church in Rome to the church in Corinth, and the accounts of Christian martyrs sent out by the church of Smyrna on the occasion of the death of their beloved pastor, Polycarp. The proto-orthodox were interested not only in what happened locally in their own communities but also in what was happening in other like-minded communities. And they were interested in spreading their understanding of the faith throughout the known world (pp. 179-80).
I seriously doubt that this sort of group could have missed the Logos-group as you’ve defined it.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
And that’s even assuming Athenagoras’ salutation is genuine, or that the document really found its way into the emperor’s hands.
I don’t assume that that particular document has a genuine salutation or that it made it to its intended recipient. Again, I don’t want to restrict myself to the individual. I do assume that the Logos-group wrote documents of this kind and that most letters do find their way to the recipient.

And note also that in the body of the text of Athenagoras, not the salutation, there are indications that the text was written to a public official with authority over “Christians”. Athenagoras opens his Plea by referring to “your empire”; and he closes with this:

Quote:
And now do you, who are entirely in everything, by nature and by education, upright, and moderate, and benevolent, and worthy of your rule, now that I have disposed of the several accusations, and proved that we are pious, and gentle, and temperate in spirit, bend your royal head in approval. For who are more deserving to obtain the things they ask, than those who, like us, pray for your government, that you may, as is most equitable, receive the kingdom, son from father, and that your empire may receive increase and addition, all men becoming subject to your sway? And this is also for our advantage, that we may lead a peaceable and quiet life, and may ourselves readily perform all that is commanded us.
Back to Theophilus:

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
First, I think it is clear that Theophilus is thinking on the grand scale, not on a sectarian one. The world as a whole is beset by sin, and God sends the faith/truth Theophilus subscribes to in order to save and nourish it.
Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty
The “doctrines of error” applies to everything that is not “Christian” (as Theophilus subscribes to it). What he means by, or even what the word in Greek actually is for “heresies” I don’t offhand know, I can’t find a Greek text online, and the seminary copy I have looked at in the past would take me half a day to get at. But in any case, there is no reason why he can’t simply mean all those religions around the world that don’t have the truth.
Yes, it would be interesting to know the Greek word.

But whatever he means, even if you’re right, my point still stands: the orthodox who knew Theophilus’ group and its unorthodox doctrine would know that they (the orthodox) stood condemned as among the “heresies.” It does not matter how wide Theophilus is casting his net: he would still be seen as condemning the orthodox as heretical.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
You bring up Tatian. I don’t think it’s a coincidence that Tatian was a “pupil” of Justin, and he makes the clearest reference to “stories” we can identify with the Gospels. And the fact that he seems to disparage or dismiss them as equivalent to myth, indicates that he knew them because he moved in Justin’s circle, and that he clearly did not subscribe to everything that his ‘teacher’ subscribed to.
It is no “fact” that Tatian disparages Gospel stories as myth. Quite the opposite.

Quote:
We do not act as fools, O Greeks, nor utter idle tales, when we announce that God was born in the form of a man. I call on you who reproach us to compare your mythical accounts with our narrations. (ch. 21)
What are the Greek originals behind “mythical accounts” and “narrations”? You think he believes allegorically in a gospel story? What, then, does it mean to “announce” that God was born in the form of a man? (Another interesting place to check the Greek word).

Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty
In chapter 13, a “quote” from Matthew’s Jesus is introduced by: “And the voice of the Gospel teaches…” Yet in that same chapter, Theophilus twice introduces OT sayings with “Solomon says”!!! Is he being perverse? Are they all being perverse? They can ascribe sayings spuriously to Solomon, but deny any attribution to Jesus of his own sayings? Presumably, written right there in the narrative of his teachings and life, read by a full and undoubted believer in an HJ? And what kind of perversity is required in those who claim that this is all OK, it’s all from the hands of HJ writers, all of it’s part of a nice little picture of orthodoxy?
As I mentioned in my last reply to you, there is a silence, and I am actually surprised to see you referring to our arguments as if they merely stated that there were no problems to deal with. This particular silence you mention from Theophilus is one such problem. One possible explanation that comes to mind is that Theophilus, who shows a concern for demonstrating the antiquity of his religion, finds no problem in mentioning an ancient and admired figure as Solomon, but would rather not mention Christianity having a recent beginning in a controversial figure. The silence in this case would be intentional.

That does not mean that I’m convinced that he had to be silent for these reasons, or that I don’t see that other apologists like Justin are okay with mentioning Jesus. But it does suggest that there are possible reasons for the silence which may have held sway in the mind of Theophilus (and I have to have respect for the fact that we will never know his private thought – thus I don’t specifically say that he must have had specific reasons, but neither do I say that he cannot have had any reasons). The silence seems odd to me, but not unambiguously irrational – certainly not “perverse.”

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
I had wanted to address this the other day, but had no time. You keep ignoring the fact that the Diognetus reference is in ch. 12, which in the surviving manuscript is in a different hand, and which in the view of scholars is from a homily added to the main text and therefore cannot be included here. Some even attribute it possibly to Hippolytus of the 3rd century. So it proves nothing.
I have actually explained several times now that the Diognetus reference is by a different hand. Each time I have asked you to clarify what is going on, since in your debate with Don, you claimed that even the second hand of chapters 11-12 does not have a historical figure in mind. That would make him some type of MJ author, so I don’t know why it’s being shunted aside like this. To add to the confusion, you now offer that it could have been written by an HJer, Hippolytus. That raises some interesting questions. How can an HJer write a document that apparently has no historical figure in mind? How can he write one that does not even mention “Jesus” or “Christ”?

Meanwhile, the original author does not mention the Logos and shows no familiarity with the Logos-doctrine, but he is one of your Logos-followers. But the second hand does mention the Logos. And he has, you claim, no historical founder. Is this not, then, a sixth Logos-follower?

I know that you cannot answer everything I write (or even half), but it would not be difficult to try at least to address my direct questions.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
We are left with Athenagoras, “Resurrection of the Dead” 18.
Quote:
the result of all this is very plain to every one—namely, that, in the language of the apostle, “this corruptible (and dissoluble) must put on incorruption,” in order that…
Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
We know this as a quote from 1 Corinthians, 15:54. Are we secure in the knowledge that Athenagoras did? Not at all. There are a number of possibilities. Just as everyone considers that sayings of Jesus were passed around by oral tradition, there is just as much chance that ‘sayings’ of Paul were, especially one that was directly related to a subject which exercised seemingly all forms of Christian belief, right from the beginning: that is, whether there was a resurrection of the dead and what form it took.
It’s one thing if phrases are floating around the Christian world without attribution. Personally I’d like to see an argument to that effect. It’s been argued with Jesus, by suggesting that sayings from the culture(s) in which he lived were later attributed to him. But here we have two phrases that apparently, unless you can show otherwise, did originate with Paul. So your argument here is that these phrases LOST any and all attribution and began floating independently.

An analogous example of this is NOT Theophilus referring to Jesus’ Gospel sayings without attribution, because that's under dispute. We don’t know that he didn’t know these phrases as spoken by Jesus (though we do know that he regarded them as spoken in the Gospel; there is some attribution).

Your Logos-philosophers, you have said many times, did not come out of the Pauline Christian tradition and had virtually nothing in common with it. But here we have two out of six (?) Logos followers borrowing two phrases that they liked from Paul, though without knowing who the phrases came from: “Knowledge puffs up, but love builds up,” and “this corruptible (and dissoluble) must put on incorruption.”

I think you sense that they cannot have known where the phrases came from, because it would seem strange for them to call the apostle of a tradition that they disagreed with “the apostle.” It seems anachronistic, like something that an ecumenical-minded Christian might say about the leaders of other denominations; or like a detached historian today might call Muhammad, “the Prophet.” If they did admire Paul but not his savior and his religion, valuing him as a philosopher, then why do they not call him a philosopher instead of calling him an apostle (and giving the appearance of valuing a Christ-worshipper as “the apostle”)?

Quote:
Originally Posted by Earl Doherty
Is Athenagoras really referring to Paul in his mind by his use of “the apostle”? We don’t know that either. Prior to 180, when Athenagoras supposedly wrote (some tentatively place him earlier), there is not a single example my Search function can find of a writer using the phrase “the apostle” in connection with Paul. It starts to appear in Irenaeus, then Clement of Alexandria, and the later forgeries of Ignatius, like To the Tarsians. A few, like 1 Clement and the ‘authentic’ Ignatius refer to “Paul” but do not use the phrase “the apostle” in reference to him. (1 Clement 5 has “the good apostles”, referring to Peter and Paul, not the same.) So your argument there is invalid.
You are actually showing a parallel development between Athenagoras and the HJ tradition. Those other authors that you show mentioning “the apostle” are all HJ. Your first author listed is not even a later writer: Irenaeus and Athenagoras are dated to nearly the same time, both around 180. So Athenagoras refers to Paul as “the apostle” around the same time that the HJ communities start to do so. Interesting.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
And what might Athenagoras have meant by “the apostle”?

As the comedian said, “timing is everything.”

As the theologian said, “to God a day is as a thousand years.”
If you can find such a convention in the ancient texts, then we’ll have something. These are painfully modern expressions, from English; you’ve given us nothing else. What you need is an example of an ancient author using such a phrase as “the apostle” to point to nobody in particular; even better if you can come up with the exact phrase, “the apostle.”

It is much easier to imagine that these phrases came to Athenagoras and “Diognetus” because the phrases came out of their own Jesus-tradition, which valued Paul and called him “the apostle” at the very same time that the undisputed HJ authors were starting to do so.

And if that is the case, then they are either Pauline mythicists or Christians who located Christ on earth: in the latter case they might be docetists or Gnostics or orthodox. If they’re Pauline mythicists, they show that that tradition was still alive at the time of the heresiologists – and that the orthodox just didn’t notice this tradition still claiming Paul and his letters for a heretical form of Christ (though they were up in arms about Marcion doing so).

And if they’re Pauline mythicists, you have a case where Jesus Christ is being worshipped but his name not mentioned by two of his apologists. A silence for your model to explain.

(And by the way, your model already has that silence to explain, since you believe that Tatian, and possibly Theophilus, interpreted the Gospel allegorically. Well, unless you tell me that their “Gospel” had nothing to do with any stories about Jesus Christ, then what you’re telling us is that they valued these stories about Jesus Christ greatly but still did not mention the central character).

If Athenagoras and the second author of “Diognetus” located Christ on earth, then two of your apologists become historicists, and we have to ask again: if they could produce these texts without mentioning the name, then is it possible that the other Logos-followers are doing the same? Athenagoras does not even have the other apologists’ vague allusions to an incarnated figure; he is as silent an author as you have. So if he could be silent about Christ and still worship him … well, I hope you can see why this is an interesting case.

TedH, take note: this argument of mine about Athenagoras and “Diognetus” is the one I had made earlier and which you thought was missing in your last post to me. You asked me to make an argument and not to simply ask where Athenagoras and Diognetus located the crucifixion, and you wrote “mea culpa”, but you still said that I had made no argument. It’s there, the whole argument about Athenagoras and Diognetus. Check my posts again. I’ve merely repeated the argument here.

Quote:
Sorry, but your “actual quote” is not the actual quote. The actual quote is in Latin. And your quote is only one translation of several. Here’s the relevant Latin:

Quote:
Audio…caput asini…venerari…. [I hear they worship the head of an ass]…Alii eos ferunt…colere…genitalia…. [Others/some say they worship the genitals of]…Et qui…ceremonias fabulatur…. [And he who explains their ceremonies by (referring to the crucified criminal)][Octavius, ch. 9]
In other words: I hear it from some…Others say…And whoever says…

This makes rendering all cases in the sense of “some say” perfectly legitimate and consistent with my point. I am not “quoting from memory.” Other translations render it “I am told…others…anyone who…” and “I hear…It is also reported…There are also stories about…” In other words, “Some say,” then some other ‘some’s say, and yet further ‘some’s say…
None of this shows what you claimed, that “some” (who said one thing) implied that there were “others” (who did not). It’s just vague language that Felix’s antagonist uses. You’ve now translated “Et qui” as “And whoever says.” How is that any more support for your argument than “some”?

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
Quote:
Originally Posted by Kevin
It is, in short, an excellent illustration of your mythicist interpretations and conclusions about the ancient situation, based on your reading of the ancient texts. And I need not tell you, or point you to, where we have disagreed with your readings. I just put one example up: Doherty thinks that the apologists denied an HJ incarnation, just as his hypothetical professor pours scorn on the U.S. Presidency. But if Theophilus' supposed "denial" of the incarnation is one of Doherty's strongest examples, then let's just say that the analogy doesn't fit.
You're not getting it. The difference between the two is that we know that my analogy’s denial of the Presidency is wrong. We don’t know that the apologists’ “denial” of the HJ is wrong. That's the issue under debate. My analogy is based on this: If there were an HJ that the apologists believed in, then their texts are equivalent to what my American professor would be doing if there were an actual American Presidency. And you and other scholars would be in the position of having to explain why the professor wrote as he did and try to put the best face on it.

The analogy is an exact fit, and doesn't depend on whether you are willing to accept my claims of what constitutes a denial. In any case, my examples are based on what we have in the texts which can reasonably be interpreted as a denial. I’ve illustrated that above, and on other occasions, even if you or Don won't countenance it. In other words, that reasonable interpretation is to be distinguished from your refusal to acknowledge it as such. If you like, I'll give you a distinction between "actual" denial and "apparent" denial. By any dispassionate reading of the text, the business about ‘what the Son is not’ is an apparent denial. By any dispassionate reading of the text, the business of the crucified criminal in Minucius Felix is an apparent denial, regardless of the very strained and tortuous kind of spins that Don, and now you, are offering. My point is, there is no reasonable way to avoid seeing that "apparent denial" as an "actual denial". And this is exactly what my analogy illustrates: there is no reasonable way to accept the apparent denial of the politics professor as not being an actual denial; no way to justify it. The analogy, of course, could never actually happen given that we know of the existence of the Presidency; it simply would never be written. It shows that the orthodox claims about the 2nd century Apologies under consideration could never actually happen either, if we were given the existence of an HJ as the genesis of their faith. It shows that it would be impossible to explain and put any "best face" on them. Ergo, given that such apologetic texts do exist, we have to reject the idea that their writers subscribe to an historical Jesus as the genesis of their faith.

But there is only so much that one side of a debate can be expected to do to convince the other side if it doesn’t want to be convinced.
I have no idea why you tell me that the situation with the modern-day President could never happen. It was crystal-clear what you were telling us: that it could never happen, and that the second-century counterpart, under the HJ model, could never happen, because the HJ model’s reconstruction of the situation is perfectly analogous to the fictional one with the President.

But this is how I see you constructing your analogy.

1) You have concluded that the second-century apologists had no historical founder, and that they are entirely silent about any such figure. You have concluded that if they were HJ, they would have been deceitful leaving him out (as you believe they have, since you take such instances as Tatian referring to God in the form of a man, or other such instances, not to refer to a historical founder). You have also concluded that some of the apologists did not just leave out the HJ, but poured scorn on him.

2) You illustrate this situation in the modern world, but unfortunately you substitute the founder of Christianity, not with George Washington or anyone analogous, but simply with the present-day office of the U.S. Presidency. In place of the apologists’ philosophical arguments, you substitute a professor whose modern-day apology for the U.S. is filled, in modern journalistic style, with information about the mechanics of the U.S. government (“workings of Congress, Senate and House, the crafting of legislation,” etc.), which would practically compel him to include some factual information about the executive branch. You include a variation in which some other professors heap scorn on the U.S. Presidency, since that is what you believe happened with Jesus in the second century. Still other professors will slip out of the analogy with the political system altogether to talk directly about the President as a religious savior; you describe them as locating him in the sky and not breathing a word about earth or incarnations, since you believe that the apologists had only a heavenly God.

You know where we have disagreed with you on all your arguments about the apologists (the ones appearing in step #1), and that that is why I regard your analogy as a perfect illustration of what you believe rather than an illustration of what is self-evident in the data. That you cannot step outside of your own conclusions and see them as interpretations – that you openly call your conclusions about the apologists the only reasonable ones – is remarkable.

And your analogies have a limited power to illustrate, because you consistently place them in the modern period, in a world that has changed considerably. The ancient world has disappeared, not only in its particulars but to a significant extent in the way that people thought and wrote. You seem to like modern scenarios in which the analogous texts (or reports) would have to be in a modern style: information-rich, journalistic, or simply prosaic (ie, not religious or philosophical). You like doing that, I suggest one more time, because you have a tendency to see the ancients in a rationalistic light, or to judge them against a modern rationalistic standard. I know you will disagree, but that is what I see here consistently.

Why didn't you at least keep the analogy in antiquity and posit a Roman historian who described all the apparati of Roman government while leaving out the emperor. That situation could at least be directly compared to an apologist of the time.

Kevin Rosero
krosero is offline  
Old 07-21-2007, 12:07 PM   #229
Veteran Member
 
Join Date: May 2005
Location: Midwest
Posts: 4,787
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by krosero View Post
I’m serious: is there something in the Greek original that is more properly translated as “a son fathered on a mortal woman,” rather than the text you used, “sons of god begotten from intercourse”?

Is there is a plain word for sexual intercourse in the original?
Yes, there is. The phrase is υιους θεων εκ συνουσιας γεννωμενους. The word συνουσια, literally being with, means intercourse (not always sexual; it can mean social intercourse or the conversatory intercourse between a teacher and a student, but here, with γεννωμενους, the sexual meaning would be the obvious choice).

Quote:
Yes, it would be interesting to know the Greek word [for heresies in Theophilus].
In 2.14 the phrase is what we would expect, λεγω δε των αιρεσεων. This is the usual word for heresies.

Ben.
Ben C Smith is offline  
Old 07-21-2007, 06:08 PM   #230
Veteran Member
 
Join Date: Oct 2005
Location: Ontario, Canada
Posts: 1,435
Default

Quote:
Originally Posted by Ben
Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
First, since John is the only Gospel [Theophilus] comes anywhere near to showing a knowledge of, this is anything but justified.

The only gospel? Anywhere near?
I don't know where this came from. Maybe I confused it with another apologist. Maybe I confused it with Joe Blow.

Not only is the tone getting shrill, and that includes me, but I think we're all just spreading ourselves too thin, trying to do too much on too many threads at a time. I know I for one am making short-cuts, not looking up finer points, etc., etc., trusting my memory (a bad thing to do). I need a rest. I may not withdraw completely, but I'm not going to try to answer everything. I don't need last words in every case, and audiences can judge for themselves.

Right now I need to soak my eyes and take an aspirin.

My best to everybody, regardless of my occasional tone. We're all adults, and we're all intelligent, otherwise we wouldn't last a minute in this snake pit.

Earl Doherty
EarlDoherty is offline  
 

Thread Tools Search this Thread
Search this Thread:

Advanced Search

Forum Jump


All times are GMT -8. The time now is 10:05 AM.

Top

This custom BB emulates vBulletin® Version 3.8.2
Copyright ©2000 - 2015, Jelsoft Enterprises Ltd.