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Old 11-25-2006, 01:36 PM   #101
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Is it a statement it is not an ordinary birth, ie a heavenly one?
Unusual birth but probably not heavenly, since the connotations of ectroma are negative.

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Old 11-25-2006, 02:33 PM   #102
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The term "untimely born" renders the Greek ἐκτρώματι, which means an "abortion" or "miscarriage" and is often thought to be a reference to the unusual nature of his "call."
I like to think that Paul narrows down what exactly was unusual about his call in verse 9; while the other apostles had already seen the risen Lord and were engaging in mission and ministry, Paul was at that time still persecuting the church. Then in verse 10 he admits that he had to work harder than those other apostles just to catch up, as it were.

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Old 11-25-2006, 03:15 PM   #103
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Will Durant used the "untimely born" reference to argue that Paul referred to a human Jesus that Paul was born too late to have known personally, and a few Christian apologists repeated this argument here. However, the "untimely" part of ektrwma refers to being born too early, as a miscarriage.

The previous thread on this: Will Durant and Jesus' Historicity.

There are also comments from Andrew Criddle (p. 17) in The post-Resurrection appearances of Jesus
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Old 11-25-2006, 07:04 PM   #104
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If there's one thing all the gospel authors - and Paul, implicitly - agree upon, it's the utter injustice of Jesus' execution. I'm simply setting out what I think is a likely explanation for the huge public reaction that extended into the Diaspora, and which still reverberates today.
If one is dealing with the one source tradition, then the "all" indicates nothing. The Kurdish freedom fighter will certainly be looked at by his peers as a martyr, yet the majority of Turks will see him as a terrorist. It's a matter of packaging. We've had historical figures manipulated so frequently, we should always be wary of reciting the hype. Consider Nero systematically misrepresented or Richard III or Niccolo Macchiavelli. We are supposed not to be influenced by the biases of the journalist wherever possible.

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When we reject the consensus view, I think it's our obligation to propose an alternate hypothesis.
Consensus only shows popularity. This is not a criterion for giving a thesis priority. Being popular doesn't make a view more correct. It is the responsibility for those holding a substantive view to justify it. Proposing an alternate hypothesis only gives the consensus something to aim at which clouds the problems with its own position. Showing the holes in the consensus should be sufficient.

When Robert Donceel showed the evidence regarding Qumran archaeology unconsidered for nearly forty years, he was compelled by the same logic you are touting to propose an alternate hypothesis: Qumran was perhaps a villa, for it certainly showed signs of not being a religious settlement. This simply stimulated proponents of the religious settlement theory to shoot at the villa theory and ignore the evidence. Qumran manufactured glass and was a pottery producer. It was not a simple establishment, but part of the Hasmonean Dead Sea development of the same time as numerous other sites.

Proposing an alternative just allows the consensus to avoid its responsibilities.

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I agree. And, decades later, there was a great deal more speculation on the part of the gospel authors, Mark in particular.
A text like Mark was not the work of one person, but the fruit of a developing tradition. Where did a writer in Rome (consider for example why you'd need to tell a Judean that the woman was a Syro-Phoenician when the distinction with a Libo-Phoenician would have been meaningless) get all the information from?

The image we have from the Didache is that there were itinerant preachers who survived by cadging off christian groups. A similar image can be found in Lucian's picture of Peregrinus. People went around, in order to make a living, telling their own versions of the good news from which communities built up their own christologies.

I think, by the time we get the production of Mark, there were already a number of sources which include different writing styles. A simple division in the text is the passion narrative versus the miracles/teachings. The former is a much longer single narrative with additives, while the latter is just a string of short units tied together and capped with the little apocalypse ending with the admonishing to be awake/alert. The passion also features a device well-known from oral traditions, the rule of three, in which threes predominate the narrative, three disciples in Gethsemane, three prayers and three returns, three denials, three crucifixions and many more.

Perhaps the short pieces in the first section were already collected by the time the passion was used to close the text. Whatever the case the passion was heavily worked upon. The signs are there however for a long gestation period for the gospel.

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Unlike Paul, he took it upon himself to answer questions that had probably been in the air for some time: "What sort of life did the Messiah lead? What was his lineage? What did he preach? What took place that led to his crucifixion?" To answer, he went to the most reliable source he had, Hebrew scripture. Plus, of course, oral traditions and Paul's messianic theology. Of course, he folded in the political concerns of the Jesus cult, notably the friction that had developed between the cultists and traditional Jews, especially Pharisees.
When did accommodating mother Judaism reject christianity? Or was it when did christianity reject mother Judaism? Whichever question, the timing of the separation of the ways might help us understand better the relationship with Paul. As it is, we have just a few cracks in the wall behind which is the development of christianity for us to peer through and try to make those brief glimpses seem coherent.

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(If it had been generally believed among Christians that the crucifixion etc. had taken place on some sort of intermediary plane, such speculation about the quotidian life of an earthly and human Messiah would have been unwarranted, irrelevant and highly controversial. It would have constituted a tectonic shift in, and challenge to, the Christianity allegedly espoused by Paul and his congregations. But we have no evidence of any such controversy.)
We don't get the "quotidian life of an earthly and human Messiah". We get the miracle worker and to a lesser extent hellenistic teacher with acolytes. There is nothing quotidian about it. There is much of the wisdom of god (and the platonic logos) in that teacher.

I don't know whether there was a stage when people actively believed in "some sort of intermediary plane", but I would have to supply a relationship between gnostic christianity and that which developed into orthodox christianity. How does Docetic christianity fit in, which sees a Jesus who was merely an image of a human and the crucifixion merely an illusion?

The process of "hereticalizing" groups within an evolving tradition is an interesting one as the self-image develops imperceptibly by hacking off bits that the majority doesn't like. One doesn't notice the changes in such a process, so your need for perception of differences before the need for hacking seems to me to be irrelevant. We have signs of such division from the earliest records, so it is consistent to think that they existed before there were records.


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Old 11-25-2006, 10:31 PM   #105
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violates jurisprudence???? that is all you have Vork? well of course the sanhedrin violated jurisprudence, they also condemned an "innocent" man and he would have been able to appeal had they not taken him in the middle of the night and gave him a kangaroo trial and then turned him over to the Roman authorities who gave jews no such due process rights.
wiccan, the trial as it is depicted in the Gospels could not have happened. There's an extensive discussion on my commentary.

http://users2.ev1.net/%7Eturton/GMar...tml#14.p.53.65
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Old 11-25-2006, 10:59 PM   #106
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wiccan, the trial as it is depicted in the Gospels could not have happened. There's an extensive discussion on my commentary.

http://users2.ev1.net/%7Eturton/GMar...tml#14.p.53.65
Could be be more specific in your citation of Brown (1994) Vork? I don't recall him claiming any of the points you listed were "serious historical problems," and at least one (point 4, "blasphemy consists solely of speaking the name of YHWH") is explicitly repudiated (pg. 520-523).
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Old 11-26-2006, 01:04 AM   #107
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When Robert Donceel showed the evidence regarding Qumran archaeology unconsidered for nearly forty years, he was compelled by the same logic you are touting to propose an alternate hypothesis: Qumran was perhaps a villa, for it certainly showed signs of not being a religious settlement.
Just a small clarification: it was actually Pauline Donceel-Voute who enunciated the villa hypothesis because of her husband's research.


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Old 11-26-2006, 04:08 AM   #108
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Could be be more specific in your citation of Brown (1994) Vork? I don't recall him claiming any of the points you listed were "serious historical problems," and at least one (point 4, "blasphemy consists solely of speaking the name of YHWH") is explicitly repudiated (pg. 520-523).
Thanks, I'll have to rewrite this, then.

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Old 11-26-2006, 05:34 AM   #109
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Could be be more specific in your citation of Brown (1994) Vork? I don't recall him claiming any of the points you listed were "serious historical problems," and at least one (point 4, "blasphemy consists solely of speaking the name of YHWH") is explicitly repudiated (pg. 520-523).
I would be interested in knowing on what grounds Brown repudiates "blasphemy consists solely of speaking the name of YHWH".


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Old 11-26-2006, 06:14 AM   #110
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I would be interested in knowing on what grounds Brown repudiates "blasphemy consists solely of speaking the name of YHWH".


Please.
Brown's central claim is that the Greek used for blasphemy (BLASPhHMEIN and related words) cannot be simply identified with the Hebrew words normally translated as to blaspheme or curse the Lord (NQB GDP etc)

BLASPhHMEIN and related words in Josephus Philo and the Septuagint have, according to Brown, a substantially wider reference.


Brown suggests that in the Gospel narratives the accusation of blasphemy against Jesus is more or less equivalent to 'insulting the God of Israel'

See Death of the Messiah pps 521-523

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