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11-25-2009, 06:08 PM | #161 | |||
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the Satyricon mentions Augustus and Tiberius as well as known locations in various parts of Italy. Will you argue that the Satyricon contains accurate information in the substance of it's narrative?Frills are things that are not in themselves the body of the discourse/narrative. The argument is that accurate information is not indicative of anything about the work as a whole unless it involves the substance of the work. Quote:
The issue has been discussed in Philip R. Davies' seminal work, In Search of "Ancient Israel". Quote:
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11-26-2009, 06:14 AM | #162 | |||
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11-26-2009, 06:27 AM | #163 | ||
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Just to follow up, other alleged historical markers for Paul are also weak. The trial of Paul in front of Gallio (Acts 18) is pure fiction, a story of religous propaganda. It is ludicrous to believe that the Jews rose up together in concerted action and seized Paul and brought him in front of a Roman proconsul with the charge "this man is inducing people to worship God contrary to the [Jewish] law! The details of the tale are entirely spurious. Of course, this doesn't prevent Pauline historicsts from asserting that the "trial" really happened anyway (details be damned) and working out elaborate timelines of Paul's alleged life based on the premise.
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11-26-2009, 09:46 AM | #164 | |||
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As you know, my perspective is drawn largely from Ehrman, and he seems to place tremendous importance on "frills," because, to him, the background information, the things said in passing, the choices of words and names irrelevant to the argument, the data revealed on the side with disinterest or distraction or reluctance--those are the points that are most likely to be historically accurate. Whereas, what you call the "substance," the main points of argument, the points that the writer would love the reader to believe, typically the central points of the narrative--those things are the most affected by the prejudices of the authors. To me, Ehrman's method seems to make a lot sense. Do you have criticisms of that way of thinking? And did I get your perspective right or wrong? |
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11-26-2009, 01:48 PM | #165 | ||||
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How would you go about showing the historicity of Encolpius? Quote:
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11-26-2009, 02:12 PM | #166 | ||
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Hi jakejonesiv and DCH,
Irenaeus is only dated to 180 based on the writings of Eusebius. Eusebius is creating a mythological history of a church that never existed. There is no reason to accept the date of 180 for Irenaeus, based on the word of Eusebius. Since there is no internal evidence in Against Heresies to date the work Against Heresies and Tertullian mentions the same heresies as Irenaeus, should we not date the work to the first decade of the Third century when Tertullian's work is dated. The alternative is to believe that not a single heresy arose between 180 and 200. This is an example of how the fictions of Eusebius still determine what we believe about Christian history. One should ask, beside the evidence of Eusebius, what is the reason to date Against Heresies to 180 rather than 190 or 200 or 210? Warmly, Philosopher Jay Quote:
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11-26-2009, 02:41 PM | #167 | |||
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So, there is no reason to accept the dates of the Pauline writings. Quote:
Since, Tertullian contain many of the same errors as Irenaeus then it is likely that they were all written around the same time. It is hardly like that Tertullian and Irenaeus could have INDEPENDENTLY made the same errors about a non-existing early church. It would appear to me that writings under the name Tertullian and Irenaeus were written at about the time Church History was written by the so-called Eusebius. Eusebius NEEDED a source for his mythological church. And Eusebius, by some stroke of luck, found the writings of Irenaeus with every detail that he desired for his mythological church. Irenaeus was too good to be true. Quote:
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11-26-2009, 08:51 PM | #168 | ||
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I thought the question before you and I was when the NT was published. I cited David Trobisch proposing Polycarp and a certain Crescans. Polycarp is said to have died in either 155 or possibly 166 CE, and his Martyrdom has him claim to be 86 at that time, giving a birth between 69 and 80 CE. Figure he probably published no earlier than age 20-40 (89-109, or 100-120 CE).
Marcion's "canon" of the gospel of Luke and 10 Pauline letters was likely published after 142/143 CE, and before his death sometime between 155 & 165 CE. If the NT canon was published in reaction to Marcion's, it was published between 142 and 165 CE. The median is 153-154 CE. If the NT was published 1st, and Marcion's canon was a reaction to it, then the date of publication was between 89 and 165. I am leaning to the latter end of that date range. We only know that Irenaeus seemed to use it in 180. How long does it take to travel from Smyrna in Asia Minor (near Ephesus) to Lugdunum in Gaul (in the heart of Europe), a distance of 1,200+ miles as the crow flies, and be well known enough there for Irenaeus to cite it without any need of explanation? Lets say 30 years, bringing the date back to 150 CE. What's the problem? DCH Quote:
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11-26-2009, 11:47 PM | #169 | |
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Remember the Roman Empire was dependent on moving huge amounts of grain around, moving a few scrolls and nutty religionists around is the equivalent of spreading an infection worldwide on a jetliner now. |
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11-27-2009, 12:46 PM | #170 | ||
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Oh, I don't know about that. The only long distance movment of grain was by sea or navigable waterways, not land. No one moved grain overland more than 75 miles in those days.
True, Lugdunum was the administrative center for military operations in Gaul and Germany, and I have to suppose trade existed along with movement of troops. The fast track for travel would be with Rome. Both Germanicus (Caligula's daddy) and Claudius were born there. However, you won't find too many direct roads between Smyrna (not labeled here, but near Ephesus) and Lugdunum. Map above is ca 125 CE. DCH Quote:
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