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Old 02-19-2010, 06:22 AM   #211
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Default Missing The Mark

Quote:
Originally Posted by Unbeliever View Post
An interesting thing I've noticed about GMark is that without the added verses at the end, it would contain exactly 666 verses. I'm sure it means nothing, since the chapters and verses were added centuries after it was written, but perhaps worth noticing nevertheless.
JW:
The Prophet Mike Night has a great page on proof-texting Jesus as the bad guy from the Jewish Bible ("Why do you call me good?"):

Who Fulfills the Prophecy of Satan?

Of course this is relatively easy to do as Christianity is in many important ways, the opposite of Judaism (human sacrifice, justice, the Law).

The proof-text I love is:

Quote:
Lastly: Lucifer takes 1/3 with him in deception and we see that (BASED ON 1995 STATISTICS Total Christians 1,869,751,000 33.53% exactly 1/3 the population)
:devil1:

It is interesting that without the forged ending I believe most translations of "Mark" have 666 verses. Combine this with the observation that the forged ending would be the most important verses in the Christian Bible as it would contain resurrection witness for the original Gospel narrative. Without it, there is none.

In my related debate with Snapp, I'm also going to point out that the ending of "Mark" has more textual variation than any other section of the Christian Bible.

And now you know, the rest of "Mark's" story.


Joseph

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Old 02-20-2010, 10:57 AM   #212
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Default

Mr. Snapp writes:
Quote:
Regarding Eusebius: although my opponent and I seem to disagree about the significance of some of the nuances in the statements of Eusebius in “Ad Marinum,” we agree that Eusebius has provided a qualitative assessment of the issue. His statements about the quantities of MSS present differing ratios; this indicates that Eusebius, as he made those statements, was only presenting, as he says, things that a person might say. Otherwise he would have mentioned one factual ratio rather than several possible ratios. It is understandable that Eusebius, writing so soon after the Diocletian persecution in which copies of NT books had been targeted for destruction, was reluctant to attempt to declare precisely how many copies included or omitted the passage.
Ben Smith has the relevant information here:

http://www.textexcavation.com/marcan....html#eusebius

[Eusebius:]
Quote:
The solution of this might be twofold. For the one who sets aside the passage itself, the pericope that says this, might say that it is not extant in all the copies of the gospel according to Mark. The accurate ones of the copies, at least, circumscribe the end of the history according to Mark in the words of the young man seen by the women, who said to them: Do not fear. You seek Jesus the Nazarene, and those that follow, to which it further says: And having heard they fled, and said nothing to anyone, for they were afraid.

For in this [manner] the ending of the gospel according to Mark is circumscribed almost in all the copies. The things that seldom follow, which are extant in some but not in all, may be superfluous, and especially if indeed it holds a contradiction to the testimony of the rest of the evangelists. These things therefore someone might say in avoiding and in all ways doing away with a superfluous question.
Eusebius is clear that most manuscripts end at 16:8. Likewise, authority is clear that Eusebius is clear that most manuscripts end at 16:8. The seldom claimed argument that Eusebius is not clear only seems to come from defenders of LE. Actually, if Mr. Snapp can not tell by the above that Eusebius thought that most manuscripts were AE his level of doubt regarding Patristic witness should prevent him from making any such conclusions. On the contrary he keeps making amazing conclusions based on little or even no implication.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
(3) Regarding Codex W: The interpolation between 16:14 and 16:15 in Codex W is a large variant, but it is still just a variant; it does not turn 16:9-20 into some other ending. To consider Codex W evidence against LE would be like saying that a picture of a ship with a barnacle on its hull is evidence that the hull is not original.
Well sure Codex W is better evidence for LE than AE but that is not the subject of the debate. The subject of this debate is whether the LE is original:
Quote:
I am defending the view that Mark 16:9-20 was part of the Gospel of Mark when the Gospel of Mark was initially disseminated for church-use.
Codex W is evidence of the EE and not LE. Therefore it is evidence against LE as is AE and SE.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
My opponent has misread the evidence as if it indicates that the abrupt ending was once dominant. It is clear that 16:9-20 dominated the rival variants after 400. But that is not the same as evidence that the situation was previously different. Before 400, and before 300, and before 200, 16:9-20 was used in different locales, while all manuscript evidence for the abrupt ending (none of which is earlier than the early 300’s) is traced to Egypt.
Eusebius (and Jerome) are clear that AE was dominos. As I said, Eusebius was the outstanding textual critic of his time as was Jerome in his. Both were considered international authorities. Eusebius especially was the authority of choice for Constantine, based in Rome, and was considered an authority by the West and had ecumenical conferences with textual critics of the entire Church. It’s likely than that his awareness of texts extended far beyond the East. The objective student should also note the scholarly superiority of the East in general (Origen, Eusebius, Jerome) over the West (Irenaeus).
Victor and Severus both testify that the AE was still dominant in the 6th century. This further supports Eusebius and Jerome.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
(7) Regarding Jerome: as my opponent revisited the evidence from Jerome, he encouraged us, “Remember the context here.” Amen! The context, in “Ad Hedibiam,” is the middle of a loosely translated extract from “Ad Marinum.” By the time Jerome wrote to Hedibia, Mark 16:9-20 was in the Greek MSS used by Hippolytus, by Vincentius of Thibaris, by the author of “De Rebaptismate,” by Marinus, by the author(s) of Apostolic Constitutions, by the author of Acts of Pilate, by the author of the Leucian Acts, by Wulfilas, by Porphyry/Hierocles, by Macarius Magnes, by Augustine, by the translators of the Peshitta, and by the copyists of Codices A, D, W, and C. This compels the conclusion that the statement that “almost all the Greek codices lack the passage” is an abridgement of the words of Eusebius, not an observation by Jerome.
Again, referring to Ben Smith’s page:

http://www.textexcavation.com/marcan....html#eusebius

Quote:
The solution of this question is two-fold; for either we do not accept the testimony of Mark, that is carried in few gospels, almost all the books of Greece not having this passage at the end, especially and since it seems to speak various and contrary things to the other evangelists; or this must be replied, that both speak truly: Matthew, when the Lord rose again on the evening of the Sabbath, Mark however, when Mary Magdalen saw him, that is, on the morning of the first day of the week.
Jerome does look like he is paraphrasing Eusebius on the issue but is clear that this is also his opinion. Note especially that Jerome qualifies with Greek copies making it clear that it is his opinion also. Again, the level of doubt required here not to accept that this is Jerome’s opinion would prevent one from making any Patristic conclusions.

Mr. Snapp wrote:
Quote:
My opponent wrote, “At this point, before the 5th century, we have nothing extant, either Manuscript or Patristic copy of an original written before, that shows us either all of the LE, most of the LE or even a significant part of the LE by itself.” If he meant that there is no evidence of the entire contents of Mk. 16:9-20 prior to the 400’s, then such a claim is clearly wrong, inasmuch as Tatian used all 12 verses, and Wulfilas translated 16:9-20 into Gothic in 350, and the Vulgate (383) includes the passage. (Also, Augustine, c. 400, commented on the whole passage and, in his comments on 16:12, cited Greek copies, which, unless they were very new, were from the 300’s.) Plus, the sort of logic that says that a citation of part of Mk. 16:9-20 is not evidence of the existence of the whole passage is the sort of logic that says that a citation of only a part of the Gettysburg Address is not evidence of the existence of the entire composition.
Well this is why I wrote “copy of an original” to limit to the Greek. Translations are much weaker evidence as they force a use of different words. Regarding Tatian, this is why I wrote “by itself”. Regarding Augustine, this is the Manuscript category, isn’t it.

Mr. Snapp wrote:
Quote:
My opponent also claimed, “If you compare variation in 16:1-8 with variation in 16:9-20, there is no comparison.” Actually, if you look at 16:1-8, you will see the same sort of variation that we see in 16:9-20 (though not quite as much, because 16:1-8 is not quite as long).

D (“Western”) omits most of verse 1 and lacks ELQOUSAI in v. 1b and transposes phrases in v. 4 and adds “the angel” in v. 6 and omits “the Nazarene” in v. 6.

In family-1 (“Caesarean”), the phrase “He is risen from the dead, and behold,” is inserted in v. 7.

In B and Aleph (“Alexandrian”), in v. 2 TWN precedes SABBATWN and in v. 4 the prefix ANA- appears instead of APO- and in v. 8 the word TACU does not appear.

In Codex W (“Egyptian”), KAI LIAN is absent from v. 2a and QEWROUSIN appears in v. 5 instead of EIDON and OIDA GAR OTI is inserted in v. 6.

In Old Latin k, there is a substantial interpolation between 16:3 and 16:4, and the last phrase of 16:8 is omitted.
Since my opponent belabors the point I’ll go beyond my original point. I believe that the ending of “Mark” has more variation than any other area of the Christian Bible. If we go to Wieland Willker’s online textual criticism:

http://www-user.uni-bremen.de/~wie/TCG/index.html

we see that the ending of “Mark” has its own section:

http://www-user.uni-bremen.de/~wie/TCG/TC-Mark-Ends.pdf

Regarding minor variation, a word or a few words, my opponent already confesses that the LE has more. In the context of possibly creating text that was not in the exemplar though, minor variation can be explained by editing, or trying to improve what’s there. Large variation though, such as a verse or verses, is much better evidence that the variation is significantly adding to the exemplars and not just editing.
As far as significant variation for the LE we have:

1) The entire LE (compared to the AE). This by itself would create significantly more variation post AE than pre AE but would be similar to a few other variants in the Christian Bible.

2) The SE. Probably two verses (compared to the 12 of the LE)

3) The EE. About 5 more verses than the LE.

4) The SE and the LE.


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Old 02-20-2010, 05:38 PM   #213
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Default Weighting of Evidence for Manuscript Category

Weighting of Evidence for Manuscript Category



Now to weigh the evidence for the category of Manuscript by individual criterion and in total. Again, the Manuscript sources:

Against LE:

Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, Sinaitic Syriac, Most of one hundred Armenian,
Two oldest Georgian, Sahidic, L Ψ 099 0112, Several Bohairic, Some Ethiopic, Bobbiensis, It(a), Codex Washingtonianus

For LE:

Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus, Codex Bezae, most of the other 1,700 Greek manuscripts and most of the other translations

For purposes of comparing evidence for and against LE the weighting will be as follows:

High advantage = 3

Medium advantage = 2

Low advantage = 1

Criteria ranked in order of relative weight to each other:

Qualitative:

1 – Age. Older = more weight. The most commonly identified criterion and an important one.

The oldest Manuscript evidence against is Sinaiticus, Vaticanus, Sinaitic Syriact and Bobbiensis which are 4th century. The oldest evidence for is Codex Alexandrinus, Codex Ephraemi Rescriptus, Codex Bezae which are 5th century. I give against a rating here of 2.

2 - Direction (of change). Away from = more weight. What is the direction of change over time for the category. Importance depends on the existence. If it exists it is one of the most important as it helps explain the relationship.

Big advantage to against as there is a definite movement from against to for in every significant language. 3 to against.

3 - Confirmation – width. Wider = more weight. The context is geographical. Confirmation is an important quality as it helps reduce sampling bias.

Big advantage to for as there is a concentration of against in the East combined with relatively few manuscripts in total. 3 to for.

4- Common sense. Potentially one of the most important criteria if there is a common sense issue. Here there is. Why is the LE always placed after the SE? The logical explanation is because it was thought to be later. This is a deduction though so only 1 to against.

5 – Consistency. Greater = more weight. Does the evidence for the category coordinate with the evidence for other categories?

The evidence here for Manuscript points to against LE. This coordinates well with the Manuscript and Scribal categories which all not only show support against LE but the same development of change in evidence from against LE to for LE. 3 against.

Quantitative:

1 - Confirmation – quantity. Larger = more weight.

Huge advantage to for based on numbers. 3 to for.

2 – Variation. Lesser = more weight. What is the quantity of variation in the category?

Big advantage to against as the ending of "Mark" after 16:8 probably has more variation than any other section of the Christian Bible. 3 to against.

Summary of Patristic evidence separated by Qualitative and Quantitative and in order of weight:

Qualitative:

1 - Age. Against = 2

2- Direction (of change). Against = 3

3 - Confirmation – width. For = 3

4 – Common sense. Against = 1

5 - Consistency. Against = 3

Quantitative:

1 - Confirmation – quantity. For = 3

2 – Variation. Against = 3


Totals:

Against 3 = 3 criterion

Against 2 = 1 criterion

Against 1 = 1 criterion

For 3 = 2 criterion


Conclusion = The Manuscript category of evidence is clearly against LE due to:

1 - 5 of 7 criteria favoring Against.

2 - 3 of these 5 criteria being 3

3 - The top 2 qualitative criteria being Against.

And so, the Manuscript category falls to Against, as did the Patristic before it. Now on to the Categories I think my opponent will readily confess are even worse for his conclusion than the Patristic and Manuscript, namely Scribal and Authority.


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Old 02-24-2010, 07:15 AM   #214
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JW:
Dr. Richard Carrier has just finished his first draft of:

Mark 16:9-20 as Forgery or Fabrication

I hope to have it posted here @ FRDB shortly in a dedicated Thread for commentary and enjoyment.



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Old 03-05-2010, 06:19 AM   #215
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Default Manuscript Evidence Part 3 (1 of 2) - James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
My opponent has repeated some claims that I’ve already answered. I will focus on his fresh objections, re-expressing each one as a question. We begin by revisiting some patristic evidence.

(1) Do Eusebius’ statements in his letter to Marinus reflect an awareness of MSS of Mark in locales other than Caesarea?

No. As Hort stated in 1881, the author of the statements in “Ad Marinum” “must of course be understood to speak only of the copies which had come directly or indirectly within his own knowledge, not of all copies then existing in his time.” Eusebius makes it pretty clear in his other writings that he cherished the MSS he received from Pamphilus, as a son values an inheritance from his father. He shows no awareness of the Shorter Ending. When describing the Diatessaron, he shows that he was not familiar with it, although it was very popular in Syria. Whatever one may speculate about what Eusebius should have done, there is no evidence that he had, or could have had, the means to conduct a manuscript-census throughout the Roman Empire (especially so soon after the Diocletian persecution).

(2) Are Eusebius’ statements in “Ad Marinum” clear?

As we have already seen, Eusebius mentions different proportions of attestation for the abrupt ending, and he frames them all as things that someone could, or might, say. Then he proceeds to show how Mk. 16:9 can be harmonized with Mt. 28:1-2, and thus be retained. That is not a clear statement of how many MSS lacked Mk. 16:9-20, or of what ratio of MSS lacked Mk. 16:9-20. The only clear part of Eusebius’ description of manuscript-evidence is his affirmation that the “accurate copies” conclude at the end of 16:8. He is, at that point, describing cherished MSS at Caesarea, which, as I already explained, were descended from a narrow transmission-stream in Egypt.

(3) Was Eusebius renowned as a textual critic?

No. Eusebius was mainly a historian, an apologist, and a bishop. In the real world, Eusebius’ most original textual project, the Eusebian Canons, consisted of cross-referencing the Gospels-text, not revising it. In the real world, in all of Eusebius’ voluminous writings he made exactly four text-critical comments about passages in the Gospels: Matthew 13:35, Matthew 27:9, Mark 16:9-20, and John 19:14. In every case, Eusebius was clearly motivated by a defensive agenda; he wanted to convince his readers of the accuracy of the Evangelists’ statements, and of their agreement with one another.

(4) Does the evidence from Victor and Severus show that the abrupt ending was dominant in the 500’s?

No. Victor and Severus essentially repeat Eusebius’ earlier statement. Victor realized his inability to refute any claim about how things stood in Caesarea in the 300’s, but he affirmed the presence of 16:9-20 in many manuscripts. Severus used “Ad Marinum” in his 77th Homily, and mentioned “Ad Marinum” by name in his 108th Epistle; further along in the 77th Homily, Severus explicitly cited Mark 16:19. The evidence from Victor and Severus shows that “Ad Marinum,” or extracts from it, were widely circulated in the 500’s. Meanwhile, the patristic testimony for the dominance of Mark 16:9-20 in the 400’s and 500’s is overpowering and irrefutable. Only a determined blindness can cause anyone to fail to see the implications of the support of Codices A, C, D, and W, and the use of the passage by Wulfilas, the Peshitta, Apostolic Constitutions, Augustine, Macarius Magnes, Nestorius, Marcus Emerita, Augustine’s lectionary, Augustine’s Greek copies, Leo the Great, Patrick, Peter Chrysologus, Doctrine of Addai, several Old Latin copies, Synopsis Scripturae Sacrae, Leontius of Jerusalem, Eznik of Golb, Gildas, and so forth. It would be absurd to interpret all these witnesses as exceptions.

(5) Does Jerome’s statement about “almost all the Greek copies” in “Ad Hedibiam” reflect his own observations?

The entire portion of “Ad Hedibiam” in which this statement appears is a loosely rendered extract from “Ad Marinum.” As Jerome dictated this letter, he consulted his copy of “Ad Marinum” and spontaneously put it into Latin. Jerome’s letter to Hedibia is like a letter from an experienced guide to a new traveler, and Jerome consulted “Ad Marinum” as if it were a 100-year old map. We cannot read Jerome’s mind to see if he repeated Eusebius’ statement about the manuscripts because he (Jerome) had personally verified that it was up-to-date, or simply because he figured that the task of going into detail about the side-roads in Eusebius’ map would be more trouble than it was worth. But we can see that he encouraged Hedibia to retain Mark 16:9-20, and we can see from his other works that he included Mk. 16:9-20 in the Vulgate, and that he expected his readers to recognize Mark 16:14 as part of the ending of Mark.

For further study, readers can consult the entire letter from Jerome to Hedibia (#120) in English at Roger Pearse’s Tertullian website.

(6) Is Codex W a witness against Mk. 16:9-20?

No. Metzger stated that the Freer Logion “probably is the work of a second or third century scribe who wished to soften the severe condemnation of the Eleven in 16:14.” Whether we accept Metzger’s date, or assign the Freer Logion to the 300’s instead, the existence of an expansion requires the earlier existence of something to expand. This is obvious.

Having addressed those concerns, we now turn to my opponent’s statement that “Before the 5th century, we have nothing extant, either Manuscript or Patristic copy of an original written before, that shows us either all of the LE, most of the LE or even a significant part of the LE by itself.” When I expressed puzzlement about what such a statement might have been intended to mean, and when I submitted evidence from Tatian, etc., to disprove its apparent meaning, my opponent answered that this is why he wrote “copy of an original” – “to limit to the Greek.” That approach has four problems.

(a) It would defy reason to dismiss non-Greek evidence simply because it is non-Greek, or to dismiss non-exhaustive evidence simply because it is non-exhaustive.

(b) Greek sources, such as Irenaeus’ Greek copy of Mark, and Jerome’s old Greek copies, are obviously echoed by these witnesses.

(c) One witness I mentioned – Augustine’s Greek copies – is explicitly identified by Augustine as Greek.

(d) After my opponent asserted that “Translations are much weaker evidence as they force a use of different words,” he listed eight translations among “the Manuscript sources” against Mark 16:9-20! Yes, out of the 15 “Manuscript sources” my opponent listed against Mk. 16:9-20, eight are not Greek manuscripts! His own assertion, if it were correct, would compel him to categorize over half his witnesses as “much weaker evidence.”

Let’s briefly revisit his list of “Manuscript sources” for the abrupt ending. Apparently my earlier descriptions of this evidence have been forgotten, and we must once again notice some very important details.

Sinaiticus: produced at Caesarea c. 350, probably under the supervision of Acacius. Aleph has replacement-pages from Mark 14:54-Luke 1:56 and an emphatic arabesque under Mk. 16:8.

Vaticanus: produced c. 325, in part by one of the same copyists (probably Acacius) who produced Sinaiticus. Has a deliberately placed blank space, including a blank column, after 16:8, as if the copyist recollected 16:9-20 and attempted to reserve space for it.

Sinaitic Syriac: influenced by the transmission-stream of Codex Bobbiensis; both have been influenced by “Gospel of Peter” and both have been consciously adjusted at Mk. 8:32.

Most of one hundred Armenian: descended from Caesarean copies; the copies which lack Mk. 16:9-20 represent one of a series of fifth-century revisions of the Armenian version.

Two oldest Georgian: translated from Armenian exemplars.

Sahidic: the Barcelona 182 copy is the strongest witness to the abrupt ending, showing that this is indeed the reading of an early Egyptian text-type.

L Ψ 099 0112, several Bohairic, some Ethiopic: all echo a secondary stratum of an Egyptian text in which the Shorter Ending was attached to 16:8; they also echo another local transmission-stream that contained 16:9-20.

It(a): This is the Old Latin Codex Vercellensis, which is not clear evidence for or against Mark 16:9-20.

Codex Washingtonianus: this is actually a witness for Mark 16:9-20.

(continued in the following post)

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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Old 03-06-2010, 06:56 AM   #216
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Default Manuscript Evidence Part 4 (2 of 2) - James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
(Continued from the previous post)


Moving right along. When my opponent claimed, “If you compare variation in 16:1-8 with variation in 16:9-20, there is no comparison,” I showed that 16:1-8 contains the same sort of variation. Now my opponent says that I have belabored the point. If he means by this that I have provided a Q.E.D. refutation of his claim, I agree.

Regarding Willker’s Textual Commentary on the Gospels, Mk. 16:9-20 gets special attention (including a discussion of internal evidence, not just textual variants) because it is a very important passage. But Willker only lists six variant-units, and he does not affirm my opponent’s notion that the mere presence of variants within 16:9-20 indicates inauthenticity. The list of variants in 16:1-8 that I already provided is proof that my opponent’s claim is unsustainable; further proof can be obtained via a perusal of Swanson’s Horizontal-Line text of Mark.

Now let’s analyze the Greek manuscript evidence: B testifies to the abrupt ending, but its blank column also testifies to the copyist’s awareness of 16:9-20. The replacement-page in Aleph testifies to the abrupt ending, but its emphatic arabesque suggests its corrector’s awareness of further material after 16:8. When we take into consideration the high probability that one of the copyists who produced part of B was the same individual who made the replacement-pages in Aleph, and when we consider that Caesarea was the place where Aleph was made, and when we consider that a series of textual features shared by both of these MSS indicate that they were not produced by Eusebius, then it becomes clear that these two MSS combine to affirm what Eusebius stated: in the “accurate copies” at Caesarea, Mark ended at 16:8. They also affirm (along with Eusebius) that copies of Mark with 16:9-20 were known at Caesarea in the first half of the 300’s.

And that is that. Aleph and B are the only two Greek manuscripts that display the abrupt ending, and all they show is that their copyists at Caesarea in the early 300’s used exemplars with the abrupt ending, and knew of exemplars with 16:9-20. No one is denying that this evidence should be placed on the scales. But let’s not pretend that it is more momentous and decisive than it is. Since there are witnesses for Mark 16:9-20 earlier than B and Aleph, these two MSS do not indicate any “direction of change.” Nor do they indicate a wide geographical range of attestation for the abrupt ending.

Regarding the testimony of L Y 099 0112 274 and 579, my opponent claimed that the Shorter Ending is placed before 16:9-20 “because it was thought to be later.” This is not the case; the Shorter Ending was placed after 16:8 because at that location, and only there, it can be used to sensibly round off the preceding pericope.

We now turn to the final pieces of Greek manuscript evidence that advocates of the abrupt ending have used (or misused) to support their case: marginalia in some medieval MSS. Metzger, in his Textual Commentary, ambiguously stated, “Not a few manuscripts which contain the passage have scribal notes stating that older Greek copies lack it.” These scribal notes take the following forms:

(1) In MSS 1, 205, 205abs, 209, and 1582: “Now in some of the copies, the evangelist’s work is finished here [that is, at the beginning of 16:9], as is also Eusebius Pamphili’s Canon. But in many, this also appears.”

(2) In MSS 20, 215, and 300: “From here to the end forms no part of the text in some of the copies. In the ancient copies, however, it all forms part of the text.” (20 and 300 are half-brother MSS, based on a common exemplar.)

(3) In MSS 15, 22, 1110, 1192, and 1210: “In some of the copies, the evangelist’s work is finished here. But in many, this also appears.” (In MS 22, the note appears not in the margin but between the end of 16:8 and the beginning of 16:9.)

(4) In MS 199: “In some of the copies this [that is, 16:9-20] does not occur, but it stops here.”

Four observations are in order:

First, while it is obvious that any MS mentioned in a scribal note would be older than the scribal note itself, none of the notes specify that the “older copies” lack the passage; note #2 even states that the ancient copies contain it. Second, the number of MSS with these notes is relatively small, consisting of less than 2% of all Greek manuscripts. Third, Notes #1, #2, and #3 are not independent scribal notes. Notes #2 and #3 are descended from Note #1; after the Eusebian Canons had been re-adjusted to include Mark 16:9-20, the phrase about the Eusebian Canons was removed (although in Codex 1, the expanded Canons are in the left margin anyway). And, fourth, these annotations, with the exception of the neutral note in 199, tend to favor the inclusion of the passage.

So, what we have here are not 14 independent scribal notes; we have essentially one note preserved in MS 199, and a family of related notes in the other, older copies, descended from a common ancestor. Furthermore, the notes in f-1 and its cousins constitute positive evidence for Mark 16:9-20, rather than negative evidence against it. No annotator attempting to persuade his readers that a passage was spurious would briefly state that although the passage is not in some copies, it is attested by most copies, or by the ancient copies.

We now turn to another rather misleading statement made by Metzger. After mentioning the annotations I have just described, he stated, “In other witnesses the passage is marked with asterisks or obeli, the conventional signs used by copyists to indicate a spurious addition to a document.” I have yet to actually see any MS of Mark with an asterisk or obelus accompanying Mark 16:9-20, unless the asterisk was added simply to alert the reader to commentary-material.

Willker states that five MSS (138, 264, 1221, 2346, and 2812) are said to have “inserted obeli to separate the passage,” but I am not willing to give this evidence any place on the scales whatsoever until it is shown that these obeli actually exist, and are not in fact some more ordinary and benign symbol misidentified by some hasty collator. Burgon denied that 138 has an obelus here; he stated that it has, instead, a cross (“+”) that refers the reader to an annotation. I have seen a photograph of the page of 2346 that contains the end of Mark, and the symbol before 16:9 is not an obelus; it’s a simple superscripted lozenge. So I suspect that the claim about obeli is only the latest in a series of red herrings (such as misleading claims about Arabic lect. 13, Ethiopic MSS, MS 2386, 1420, 304, and Sahidic lectionaries) which advocates of the abrupt ending have found convenient to mention but not to display.

It is all too easy, when describing the pertinent manuscript evidence, to focus only on the witnesses for the abrupt ending and the Shorter Ending, and on anything and everything that can be misconstrued against the usual reading. Let us take a moment to survey some of the Greek manuscripts that support Mark 16:9-20:

Codex A (early 400’s) – uncial; primarily Byzantine text.
Codex C (mid-400’s) – uncial; primarily Alexandrian text; includes expanded Canon-numbers for Mark 16:9-20.
Codex D – uncial; Western text in sense-lines with accompanying Latin.
Codex W (c. 400) – uncial; Egyptian text with the “Freer Logion.”
Codices N, O, Sigma, and Phi (late 400’s-500’s) – a family of purple MS; despite some mutilation their combined text supports Mk. 16:9-20.
Codex E (700’s) – uncial; asterisks accompany some disputed passages (Mt. 16:2-3, Lk. 22:43-44, Jn. 8:2-11) but not Mk. 16:9-20.
Codex F (700’s or 800’s) - uncial; mutilated but retained a scrap of 16:20.
Codex G (800’s) – uncial.
Codex H (800’s) – uncial, mutilated but retains Mk. 16:15-20.
Codices K and Pi (800’s) – uncials; contain a Gospels-text related to Codex A; Pi has expanded Canon-numbers accompanying Mk. 16:9-20.
Codex Theta (800’s) – uncial; primarily Caesarean text.
Codex L (700’s) – uncial; Alexandrian text (with double-ending).
Codex M (800’s) – uncial.
Codex S (989) – uncial.
Codex U (800’s-900’s) – uncial, Byzantine text.
Codex X (900’s) – uncial, mixed Byzantine/Alexandrian text.
Codex Delta (uncial) – primarily Alexandrian text based on an exemplar written in sense-lines.
Codex Lambda/566 (800’s) – one of a group of MSS with notes stating that its text has been corrected on the basis of ancient and carefully prepared manuscripts in Jerusalem.
Codex Omega (800’s) – uncial.

And then there are the manuscripts written in minuscule lettering. Here is a sample of the most ancient or otherwise interesting copies and their assigned production-dates: 461 (835), 33, 2142 and 2224 (800’s), 399 and 1424 (800’s-900’s), 548 (c. 900), 115, 262, 338, 371, 411, 468, 565, 607, 652, 892, 1076, 1079, 1097, 1120, 1120, 1143, 1166, 1172, 1203, 1225, 1357, 1378, 1392, 1421, 1458, 1709, 1720, 1816, 2193, 2195, 2290, 2324, 2369 (all from the 900’s), 89 (1006), 516 (c. 1000), 126 (1000’s), 700 (1000’s), 230 (1013), 348 (1022), 504 (1033), 164 (1039), 174 (1052), 278 (1072), 160 (1123), 496 (1300’s), 1556 (1068), 1340 (1000’s), 2181 (1054), 1241 (1100’s), and 713 (1100’s). These minuscules are not all twigs from one branch; their place on the scales is earned not only by their overwhelming quantity but also, and especially, because they represent a broad range of transmission-streams, different exemplars, different locales, and different text-types.

Much more could be said about the manuscript-evidence, but having answered all major and minor objections, I am ready to proceed to the remaining classes of evidence, especially evidence from the early versions and from lectionaries.

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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Old 03-15-2010, 08:04 AM   #217
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JW:
My opponent writes:
Quote:
(1) Do Eusebius’ statements in his letter to Marinus reflect an awareness of MSS of Mark in locales other than Caesarea?

No. As Hort stated in 1881, the author of the statements in “Ad Marinum” “must of course be understood to speak only of the copies which had come directly or indirectly within his own knowledge, not of all copies then existing in his time.” Eusebius makes it pretty clear in his other writings that he cherished the MSS he received from Pamphilus, as a son values an inheritance from his father. He shows no awareness of the Shorter Ending. When describing the Diatessaron, he shows that he was not familiar with it, although it was very popular in Syria. Whatever one may speculate about what Eusebius should have done, there is no evidence that he had, or could have had, the means to conduct a manuscript-census throughout the Roman Empire (especially so soon after the Diocletian persecution).
Of course my opponent rejects Hort’s conclusion, based on evidence, that LE is not original but accepts Hort’s assertion, based on nothing, that Eusebius’ only refers here to specific manuscripts rather than making a general and broad statement. Mr. Snapp than is in no position to use Hort as an authority since he does not accept Hort’s authority on the issue. Eusebius is an important witness against LE since his testimony is qualitative so I’ll repeat the reasons to think he is making a general and broad statement that the evidence is against LE:

1) He does not qualify the scope of his statement.

2) It can be assumed that a Bishop would be a textual critic as their
interests would consist of Christian reading and writing and they would
not have been distracted by TV, Internet, wives and children.

3) Eusebius was considered the outstanding Church Father of his time and
and an authority regarding Christian writings in general. He is
considered the official Church historian of his time.

4) Eusebius’ predecessor at Caesarea, had an Egyptian background, and
Caesarea is next to Syria. Egypt and Syria were the two big centers
of the Eastern Roman empire, so at a minimum, Eusebius was
probably familiar with the Egyptian and Syrian Greek textual
tradition.

5) Jerome, clearly a textual critic, considered Eusebius a textual critic.

6) Eusebius had an international reputation. Certainly more so than any of
the other Patristic witness. If his scope is qualified, all of the other
Patristic scope is more qualified. All of Christianity, East and West,
considered his canons authoritative. He was the Christian
Emperor’s favored Church Father, an Emperor from Rome (West).
Constantine sent Eusebius to Bishop conferences consisting of
representatives from all major Christian areas to resolve theological
disputes. Sure these Fathers main criteria in these disputes was
trying to argue based on what they wanted to believe, but I have
faith that the issue of what the text said in
different manuscript traditions also came up and to be an authority
Eusebius would have to be familiar with traditions outside his
geographical area.

7) Constantine, the Western Christian emperor, selects Eusebius to
manufacture authoritative Christian bibles for him indicating
Constantine not only considered Eusebius a textual critic but the
textual critic.

To summarize the reasons to think Eusebius statement regarding
evidence against LE is very broad:
1) No qualification of his scope.

2) Qualifications of a Bishop.

3) Reputation of Eusebius in general.

4) Eusebius’ location between Egypt and Syria.

5) Jerome, a textual critic, endorsement of Eusebius as textual critic.

6) Eusebius’ international experience.

7) Recognition by Constantine as textual critic.
My opponent concludes with:

Quote:
Whatever one may speculate about what Eusebius should have done, there is no evidence that he had, or could have had, the means to conduct a manuscript-census throughout the Roman Empire (especially so soon after the Diocletian persecution).
Another strawman, what a surprise. No one is saying that Eusebius was familiar with all textual traditions, only that he was probably familiar with a broad tradition and that his scope was probably relatively high by Church father standards.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
(2) Are Eusebius’ statements in “Ad Marinum” clear?

As we have already seen, Eusebius mentions different proportions of attestation for the abrupt ending, and he frames them all as things that someone could, or might, say. Then he proceeds to show how Mk. 16:9 can be harmonized with Mt. 28:1-2, and thus be retained. That is not a clear statement of how many MSS lacked Mk. 16:9-20, or of what ratio of MSS lacked Mk. 16:9-20. The only clear part of Eusebius’ description of manuscript-evidence is his affirmation that the “accurate copies” conclude at the end of 16:8. He is, at that point, describing cherished MSS at Caesarea, which, as I already explained, were descended from a narrow transmission-stream in Egypt.
Again, if you can not see from Ad Marinum that Eusebius is making a qualitative and quantitative statement against LE, than your level of doubt regarding Patristic witness should prevent you from making any conclusion on the issue.

My opponent writes:

Quote:
(4) Does the evidence from Victor and Severus show that the abrupt ending was dominant in the 500’s?

No. Victor and Severus essentially repeat Eusebius’ earlier statement. Victor realized his inability to refute any claim about how things stood in Caesarea in the 300’s, but he affirmed the presence of 16:9-20 in many manuscripts. Severus used “Ad Marinum” in his 77th Homily, and mentioned “Ad Marinum” by name in his 108th Epistle; further along in the 77th Homily, Severus explicitly cited Mark 16:19. The evidence from Victor and Severus shows that “Ad Marinum,” or extracts from it, were widely circulated in the 500’s. Meanwhile, the patristic testimony for the dominance of Mark 16:9-20 in the 400’s and 500’s is overpowering and irrefutable. Only a determined blindness can cause anyone to fail to see the implications of the support of Codices A, C, D, and W, and the use of the passage by Wulfilas, the Peshitta, Apostolic Constitutions, Augustine, Macarius Magnes, Nestorius, Marcus Emerita, Augustine’s lectionary, Augustine’s Greek copies, Leo the Great, Patrick, Peter Chrysologus, Doctrine of Addai, several Old Latin copies, Synopsis Scripturae Sacrae, Leontius of Jerusalem, Eznik of Golb, Gildas, and so forth. It would be absurd to interpret all these witnesses as exceptions.
The Patristic value of Victor/Severus against the LE is secondary only to Eusebius/Jerome. Eusebius/Jerome testify that to c. 400, the LE is the exception.
Victor/Severus testify of the conversion to LE in the 5th century. Victor confesses that the LE is still the exception in the 5th century but that he is actively adding the LE at that time. This coordinates with every category of evidence. No LE manuscript before the 5th century. Patristic references to the LE increase exponentially in the 5th century and there is extant manuscript evidence for the LE starting here. By the sixth century most evidence flips to LE.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
(5) Does Jerome’s statement about “almost all the Greek copies” in “Ad Hedibiam” reflect his own observations?

The entire portion of “Ad Hedibiam” in which this statement appears is a loosely rendered extract from “Ad Marinum.” As Jerome dictated this letter, he consulted his copy of “Ad Marinum” and spontaneously put it into Latin. Jerome’s letter to Hedibia is like a letter from an experienced guide to a new traveler, and Jerome consulted “Ad Marinum” as if it were a 100-year old map. We cannot read Jerome’s mind to see if he repeated Eusebius’ statement about the manuscripts because he (Jerome) had personally verified that it was up-to-date, or simply because he figured that the task of going into detail about the side-roads in Eusebius’ map would be more trouble than it was worth. But we can see that he encouraged Hedibia to retain Mark 16:9-20, and we can see from his other works that he included Mk. 16:9-20 in the Vulgate, and that he expected his readers to recognize Mark 16:14 as part of the ending of Mark.
The dilemma for my opponent here, which I need to point out to him, is that if you think Jerome is simply relying on Eusebius here for textual criticism than you have to conclude that Jerome considered Eusebius a textual critic in general and that Jerome considered Eusebius clear on the subject since he largely repeats Eusebius.
Regarding Jerome using the LE for the Vulgate I fear that my opponent may never be able to tell the difference between what a Patrician’s evidence is and what their conclusion is. Jerome’s evidence here, like Eusebius’ before him, is that LE is not original. Unlike Eusebius though, Jerome uses it as Canon. Did Jerome think it original? Maybe, maybe not. But Jerome’s use here of the LE is evidence against its originality. Jerome knows the evidence is against the LE being original but still uses it. This coincides with the time period when the LE is starting to move from the exception to the dominant text. Thus Jerome, just like Victor after him, helps explain the conversion to LE. He prefers it and uses it and as a textual authority provides authority for its subsequent use. Again, Jerome uses the LE not because the evidence shows it is original but because he prefers it which coordinates with the difficult reading principle/common sense criterion.

My opponent writes:

Quote:
(6) Is Codex W a witness against Mk. 16:9-20?

No. Metzger stated that the Freer Logion “probably is the work of a second or third century scribe who wished to soften the severe condemnation of the Eleven in 16:14.” Whether we accept Metzger’s date, or assign the Freer Logion to the 300’s instead, the existence of an expansion requires the earlier existence of something to expand. This is obvious.
A false dichotomy. Again, this debate is not about choosing between LE and AE, it’s whether LE is original. W is not LE and is even referred to as EE, because it is not LE. It is evidence that EE is original. Maybe it will make my opponent feel better if I say that it is better evidence for LE than AE.

Mr. Snapp writes:

Quote:
Having addressed those concerns, we now turn to my opponent’s statement that “Before the 5th century, we have nothing extant, either Manuscript or Patristic copy of an original written before, that shows us either all of the LE, most of the LE or even a significant part of the LE by itself.” When I expressed puzzlement about what such a statement might have been intended to mean, and when I submitted evidence from Tatian, etc., to disprove its apparent meaning, my opponent answered that this is why he wrote “copy of an original” – “to limit to the Greek.” That approach has four problems.

(a) It would defy reason to dismiss non-Greek evidence simply because it is non-Greek, or to dismiss non-exhaustive evidence simply because it is non-exhaustive.
Apparently there is no end to the Strawmen. “Dismiss”?

Quote:
(b) Greek sources, such as Irenaeus’ Greek copy of Mark, and Jerome’s old Greek copies, are obviously echoed by these witnesses.
As my statement indicates, my observation is a weakness of scope.

Quote:
(c) One witness I mentioned – Augustine’s Greek copies – is explicitly identified by Augustine as Greek.
My opponent needs to learn the difference between commentary and copying.

Quote:
(d) After my opponent asserted that “Translations are much weaker evidence as they force a use of different words,” he listed eight translations among “the Manuscript sources” against Mark 16:9-20! Yes, out of the 15 “Manuscript sources” my opponent listed against Mk. 16:9-20, eight are not Greek manuscripts! His own assertion, if it were correct, would compel him to categorize over half his witnesses as “much weaker evidence.”


This is where Mr. Snapp has a point. A significant portion of the manuscript evidence against LE is translation evidence which makes an individual translated manuscript weaker evidence than a copy. This weakness is offset though by the scope of the translated manuscripts. Every significant translated language shows evidence of a change from AE to LE. The translation evidence also has strength of scope within its textual tradition. The Armenian for example shows a clear transition from AE to LE through a study of 200 + manuscripts. Manuscripts before the 13th century generally show AE and thirty something mid-range manuscripts show the LE but doubt its originality. As a minority language the Armenian likely had a higher respect for its own textual tradition than did the Greek. One of the Armenian textual traditions likely came from the Byzantine which is evidence that the Byzantine textual tradition was originally AE.
My opponent writes:

Quote:
Let’s briefly revisit his list of “Manuscript sources” for the abrupt ending. Apparently my earlier descriptions of this evidence have been forgotten, and we must once again notice some very important details….

It(a): This is the Old Latin Codex Vercellensis, which is not clear evidence for or against Mark 16:9-20.
It(a) lacks sufficient space at the end for the LE (unless the scribe used the same size fonts as my opponent in his last several posts) so it is evidence against LE and is accepted as such by almost all authorities.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
It is all too easy, when describing the pertinent manuscript evidence, to focus only on the witnesses for the abrupt ending and the Shorter Ending, and on anything and everything that can be misconstrued against the usual reading. Let us take a moment to survey some of the Greek manuscripts that support Mark 16:9-20:

Codex A (early 400’s) – uncial; primarily Byzantine text.
Codex C (mid-400’s) – uncial; primarily Alexandrian text; includes expanded Canon-numbers for Mark 16:9-20.
Codex D – uncial; Western text in sense-lines with accompanying Latin.
Codex W (c. 400) – uncial; Egyptian text with the “Freer Logion.”
Codices N, O, Sigma, and Phi (late 400’s-500’s) – a family of purple MS; despite some mutilation their combined text supports Mk. 16:9-20.
Codex E (700’s) – uncial; asterisks accompany some disputed passages (Mt. 16:2-3, Lk. 22:43-44, Jn. 8:2-11) but not Mk. 16:9-20.
Codex F (700’s or 800’s) - uncial; mutilated but retained a scrap of 16:20.
Codex G (800’s) – uncial.
Codex H (800’s) – uncial, mutilated but retains Mk. 16:15-20.
Codices K and Pi (800’s) – uncials; contain a Gospels-text related to Codex A; Pi has expanded Canon-numbers accompanying Mk. 16:9-20.
Codex Theta (800’s) – uncial; primarily Caesarean text.
Codex L (700’s) – uncial; Alexandrian text (with double-ending).
Codex M (800’s) – uncial.
Codex S (989) – uncial.
Codex U (800’s-900’s) – uncial, Byzantine text.
Codex X (900’s) – uncial, mixed Byzantine/Alexandrian text.
Codex Delta (uncial) – primarily Alexandrian text based on an exemplar written in sense-lines.
Codex Lambda/566 (800’s) – one of a group of MSS with notes stating that its text has been corrected on the basis of ancient and carefully prepared manuscripts in Jerusalem.
Codex Omega (800’s) – uncial.
My opponent has a tendency to date manuscripts somewhat early but I think the above is a reasonable presentation of support for LE except for W. Codeveat exemptor though (W, L. Lambda). I wonder what the textual variation for LE is in the above?

I accept that the criterion of confirmation here greatly favors LE. I think a weakness of my initial criteria rating system is an insufficient range of 1-3. Certainly, if I expanded the range, the LE would receive the highest rating for confirmation. I concede that on the other side, lack of confirmation, against the LE is a serious weakness. There are only two Greek witnesses against the LE and they are definitely related to some extent. It is certainly possible that they are the exceptions as we are a long way from having a representative sample of manuscripts at their time. Traditional commentators, such as Metzger, tend to give the Manuscript category more weight, and declare the External evidence inconclusive. Newer commentators, such as Wallace and Carrier, give the Manuscript category less weight and declare the External evidence aganst LE.

Nonetheless, confirmation is only one criterion of the Manuscript category and when I go through all of my criteria, Against LE is clearly the result. I once again invite my opponent to come out of The Dark Age of subjective selection of conclusions and use a methodology with criteria by category of evidence. We largely agree on what the evidence is but have completely different conclusions. So the difference must be methodology. Either create one for me to critique or show me what is wrong with mine. The only think more certain to me right now than the LE not being original, is that we can improve each other’s methodology.

Mr. Snapp ended his last post by referring to Scribal evidence. I rate Scribal as sufficiently important, to deserve its own category of evidence, as it is primarily qualitative in nature and often directly related to the key criterion of change. So my next posts will deal with it as a separate category of evidence.



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Old 03-24-2010, 07:10 AM   #218
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JW:
Our own Stephen Carlson is at it again:

Hypotyposeis The Function of Mark 16:8

Quote:
Perhaps this common ground is wrong. What if v.8 was not intended by its author to undercut the closure of the young man’s proclamation of vv.5-7, but achieve some other aim? To address this question, it is necessary to take a closer look at v.8, in which I am adopting Frank Kermode’s proposal for rendering the last two words of the verse (The Genesis of Secrecy: On the Interpretation of Narrative (or via: amazon.co.uk) [Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1979], 67):

καὶ ἐξελθοῦσαι ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τοῦ μνημείου, εἶχεν γὰρ αὐτὰς τρόμος καὶ ἔκστασις• καὶ οὐδενὶ οὐδὲν εἶπαν, ἐφοβοῦντο γάρ.

And going out, they fled from the tomb, for terror and bewilderment seized them. And they said nothing to no one. They were scared, you see.

The dominant theme of 16:8 is not the women’s disobedience but their fright. The women were seized with terror and bewilderment (τρόμος καὶ ἔκστασις). They were scared (ἐφοβοῦντο). Their actions, too, display their fright. They fled the tomb (ἔφυγον ἀπὸ τοῦ μνημείου), and they did tell anyone. Whatever the function of 16:8 is, it must involve fright.
...
With my reading of 16:8, the women's saying nothing to no one is meant to underscore how scared they were. It was not meant to undercut or contradict the young man's instructions. Their silence lasted as long as they were frightened.
So according to Stephen, when "Mark" wrote that the women did not tell anyone, he meant that they told everyone (why do I feel like Stephen Carr when I write this?). Note the slip above, "they did tell anyone". Interpolations, look out! Why doesn't Stephen just get a room with JP Holding to discuss the mysteries of Secret Mark.

Actually it's progress that Christian Bible scholarship has gone beyond accepting that 16:8 is the ending to appreciating what a problem this is for Christian Assertian. The most important Christian Assertian is that there was historical witness to Jesus' supposed resurrection and the original Gospel not only has no resurrection sighting but had resurrection sightings forged to it.

From an Internal evidence standpoint the reaction of the women at 16:8 of fear and silence fits well with such a theme in "Mark". "Mark" skillfully foreshadows Jesus' resurrection with:

Mark 5

Quote:
41 And taking the child by the hand, he saith unto her, Talitha cumi; which is, being interpreted, Damsel, I say unto thee, Arise.

42 And straightway the damsel rose up, and walked; for she was twelve years old. And they were amazed straightway with a great amazement.

43 And he charged them much that no man should know this: and he commanded that [something] should be given her to eat.
JW:
Note that the two different underlying Greek words (amazed/amazement) have a strong meaning of crazy/out of one's mind. An ironic contrast between Jesus' healing that puts the recipient in their right mind and the negative reaction to it that puts one out of their mind. These words also have a meaning of fear. Note than that the reaction of the three here is fear and silence. The same reaction to news of the resurrection at 16:8. Themes are quality evidence as they are broad and consistent which gives scope.



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Old 03-24-2010, 07:17 PM   #219
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Quote:
Originally Posted by JoeWallack View Post
Mark 5
Quote:
41 And taking the child by the hand, he saith unto her, Talitha cumi; which is, being interpreted, Damsel, I say unto thee, Arise.

42 And straightway the damsel rose up, and walked; for she was twelve years old. And they were amazed straightway with a great amazement.

43 And he charged them much that no man should know this: and he commanded that [something] should be given her to eat.
JW:
Note that the two different underlying Greek words (amazed/amazement) have a strong meaning of crazy/out of one's mind. An ironic contrast between Jesus' healing that puts the recipient in their right mind and the negative reaction to it that puts one out of their mind. These words also have a meaning of fear. Note than that the reaction of the three here is fear and silence. The same reaction to news of the resurrection at 16:8. Themes are quality evidence as they are broad and consistent which gives scope.

Joseph
In my reading of the Markan idiom, Jesus' 'cures' are allegorical assertion of the actual, palpable beneficial effects of the arrival of the spirit (ie. the mood conversion from depression to manic state). People whose deep depression totally immobilized them (like the paralytic in 2:3, or like Jairus' daughter here) are suddenly alive and well, with the arrival of manic excitation, which brings a sense of purpose, empowerment and grandeur. Others, who in their depression suffered assorted maladies suddenly seem cured of them. Partially, some of Mark's testimonies are references to the actual imrovement in health due to much greater mobility in the excited state(and hence much improved cardio, and if manic behaviour included compulsion to travel (fugue), the freeing of the subject from 'local' bacterial flora which often causes illness). Some others allude to known effects of mood conversions. E.g. the 'lepros' who Jesus cures in 1:40-42, does not really suffer from leprosy proper, but any of number of skin diseases such as dermatitis or eczema which were subsumed under the label 'lepra'. Some of these conditions clear spontaneously in the temporary relief of depression. Mark likely also used 'lepra' as a cure example because of the real leprosy (Hansen's disease, which required sequestration since Egypt) was considered a 'spiritual ailment' among the Jews ('tzaraat'). This afforded Mark the same 'semantic bending' of terms as he uses in the cures of the (spiritually) blind, or the (unrepenting) deaf or the (spiritless) dumb.

As for the 'fear', Mark uses 'fear' or 'amazement' to denote the lack of faith in the reality of saving effects of Jesus (ie., the manic excitement of the spirit). Again, those who knew the 'mysteries' would clue in to this because they had been through the trip, and lived through the 'passion'. There is real (and profound) fear and panic which engulf the florid subjects of mania in the latter stages of the episodes when they their brain confronts the new, phantasmagoric order imposed by the unbalanced chemistry. The horrible suffering (not a few manics kill themselves in this phase) causes many to 'run away from the experience (i.e. trying to shed it, or forget it when it is over) which in the Markan Sitz is portrayed as the denial of their witness of "Jesus".

Jiri

ETA : too bad that Mark did not leave behind a verse which directly pointed to "mood conversion" as the root of the mystery. We find it in Luke and iMatthew though: Mt 11:17 unequivocally alludes to it : 'We piped to you, and you did not dance; we wailed, and you did not mourn.' Luke has Jesus give it out plainly as a beatitude in 6:21 'Blessed are you that weep now, for you shall laugh'.
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Old 04-21-2010, 07:29 AM   #220
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Default More About the Manuscript Evidence (1 of 2) - James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
More About the Manuscript Evidence

Although we are far into the Manuscript Evidence portion of this debate, my opponent keeps returning to Eusebius’ testimony in the hope that it will mean more than it does. With no historical verification, he imagines that Eusebius was not referring to MSS at Caesarea, even though, as Hort and common sense affirm, Eusebius’ statements can only be understood to refer to copies that he knew about, and even though, as I already mentioned, many copies of Scripture had been destroyed during the Diocletian persecution, and as a result any sort of extensive survey of the surviving MSS was impossible when Eusebius wrote to Marinus.

Against those two resilient facts my opponent has tossed some desperate claims:
first, Eusebius doesn’t qualify the scope of his statement. There is no reason to expect Eusebius to qualify his statement in such an exceptional way, as if readers would expect him to have supernatural knowledge without such a qualification.

Second, my opponent asserts that It can be assumed that a Bishop would be a textual critic. As I noted already, in all of Eusebius’ writings, he refers to a total of four variant-units in the NT, and his agenda in those cases is primarily apologetical. There is simply no historical basis for the assertion that a bishop would also be a textual critic just because he happened to be a bishop and a scriptorium-supervisor. Producing copies and systematically compiling a text are two very different things.

Third, it is asserted that Eusebius was considered the outstanding Church Father of his time. This is certainly contestable, but rather than contest the claim, we can simply observe that the level of Eusebius’ fame has no bearing upon the meaning of his words to Marinus.

Fourth, it is asserted that Eusebius was probably familiar with the Egyptian and Syrian Greek textual tradition. Eusebius’ writings do not bear this out. Eusebius was barely acquainted with the Syrian tradition, in which the Diatessaron was dominant well past his lifetime. As for the Egyptian tradition, Eusebius was indeed familiar with the Egyptian texts that had been taken from Egypt to Caesarea in the early 200’s – as I have been saying, those were the very MSS at Caesarea from which the “accurate copies” with the abrupt ending descended! – but he was not well-acquainted with the local text of Egypt as it existed in the 300’s. For, when discussing the end of the Gospel of Mark, he displays no awareness of the Alexandrian “Shorter Ending,” and when, in his writings, he addresses cases of perceived difficulties in the Gospels, he does not mention the difficulty in the Alexandrian Text of Matthew 27:49, knowledge of which would virtually demand that it be addressed. This, unlike the incidental silence of Clement and Origen, is a silence packed with significance.

Fifth, it is asserted that Jerome considered Eusebius a textual critic. No; Jerome considered Eusebius a learned heretic; in Epistle 84 he explicitly calls Eusebius “the most open champion of the Arian impiety.” Jerome used Eusebius’ compositions, as he used the works of Origen, as convenient mines of material that he could borrow and retransmit when he was in a hurry to complete a composition or letter. That is what we see in Ad Hedibiam where Jerome retransmits a large extract from Ad Marinum.

Sixth, it is asserted that Eusebius had an international reputation. This is just the third assertion, restated. As for my opponent’s sub-claim that “All of Christianity, East and West, considered his canons authoritative” – ridiculous! The Canons are simply a cross-reference chart; they were popular because they were convenient, not because of any ecclesiastical authority; in addition, the Canons are extensively reworked in the earliest Syriac witnesses that have them; the same is true of the Canons in the Vulgate. In witnesses such as Codex C, the canons have been adjusted at the end of Mark; extra section-numbers are added. And this is the norm in Greek MSS rather than the exception. Suidas, a writer of the 900’s, echoed the state of the evidence at that time when he stated that Mark has 236 sections (rather than 232).

When my opponent says, “I have faith that the issue of what the text said in different manuscript traditions also came up” as he met people in his travels, he describes the beginning and end of his evidence: his own arbitrary faith that it must’ve happened that way. Such faith is the real foundation of this unrealistic notion that Eusebius meant to refer to MSS in many locales in his letter to Marinus, instead of to the MSS at Caesarea.

Seventh, it is asserted, Eusebius was considered a textual critic by Constantine. No; Constantine considered Eusebius a scriptorium-supervisor, which he was. Constantine ordered Eusebius to produce codices, not to compile a text. And Eusebius plainly states that produce codices is exactly what he did, at full speed. (Plus, it’s not as if the opinion of Constantine carries any great weight.)

Regarding these points about Eusebius, I have dismantled my opponent’s contentions brick by brick, smashed the bricks to dust, and stomped the dust into the ground. At some point, when one’s opponent is merely digging in the dust, one has to move on. This is that point, as far as the testimony of Eusebius is concerned.

One more thing, however minor, should be said about Jerome. My opponent claimed, “Jerome uses the LE not because the evidence shows it is original but because he prefers it.” (Inasmuch as use implies preference, that’s like saying that Jerome preferred it because he preferred it.) My opponent has posited meaning onto Jerome’s condensed extract from Ad Marinum which it does not necessarily have: Jerome summarized Eusebius by saying that almost all the Greek codices don’t have the passage, but it is not a given that Jerome ever believed that majority-attestation was a good basis on which to adopt a variant. He was adept enough to know that ancient MSS carry more weight than a young majority, and in some other comments – which he made independently – he appeals to old MSS to establish the grounds for variants that he adopts.

Regarding Codex W, I harbor the hope that my opponent has realized that Codex W is support for Mark 16:9-20, and he just doesn’t want to admit it. If it is not evident to him, at least it should be evidence to everyone else, because Codex W contains 16:9-20. He says, “W is not LE,” which is true because W is the codex, but the testimony of Codex W at the end of Mark is for 16:9-20 with an interpolation between v. 14 and v. 15, and this constitutes support for 16:9-20, just as copies of any book or chapter, with interpolations, is a witness for the existence of that book, or the inclusion of that chapter.

Onward. When I mentioned Augustine’s Greek copies, my opponent stated that I need to learn the difference between commentary and copying. Such deliberate blindness to the implications of Augustine’s reference is exasperating. Augustine was not conversant in Greek; he wrote in Latin, so when he refers to Greek copies of Mark and mentions what they read in Mark 16:12, without any indication that any of the copies stopped at 16:8, it is spectacularly obvious that we have here additional testimony besides Augustine’s commentary itself.

Where was this appeal to “learn the difference between commentary and copying” when we saw Eusebius refer to manuscripts? Then we had no trouble seeing that Eusebius is one witness, and his “accurate copies” are another. Likewise here, Augustine counts as one witness, and the Greek copies he cites when commenting on Mk. 16:12 are another witness (or at least a pair of witnesses) to the inclusion of Mark 16:9-20.

Regarding the evidence from early translations, my opponent stated, “Every significant translated language shows evidence of a change from AE to LE.” As I've already shown, this is simply not true! Let’s review a few versions – the Gothic, Armenian, and Old Latin.

The Gothic version: made in about 350 by Wulfilas, and attested by Codex Argenteus, the Gothic version includes Mark 16:9-20.

The Armenian version: Eznik of Golb, one of the Armenian translators, used Mark 16:17-18 in his composition De Deo, in the mid-400’s, far earlier than any extant Armenian MS for the abrupt ending. The Armenian MS Etchmiadzin-229 (now recatalogued as Matenadaran 2374) includes Mk. 16:9-20, and this MS includes a colophon by the scribe Stephanas stating that its exemplars were authentic and ancient. Its covers and illustrations are older than the text-pages; C. R. Williams put their date in the 500’s and concluded that “at least one exemplar of this codex is to be dated before 550 AD,” which is centuries older than the oldest extant Armenian MS. If one picks and chooses MSS, without carefully categorizing them (a shortcoming of Colwell’s approach in his 1937 essay), one can make the evidence point any whichever way. But taken all together, the Armenian evidence, along with the Armenian-dependent Old Georgian evidence, indicates that the Gospels were translated and re-translated in the 400’s in at least two forms which continued to compete from then on.

The Old Latin version(s): referring specifically to Old Latin Codex a, that is, Codex Vercellensis, my opponent stated, “It(a) lacks sufficient space at the end for the LE (unless the scribe used the same size fonts as my opponent in his last several posts) so it is evidence against LE and is accepted as such by almost all authorities.” First, Vercellensis is just one Old Latin MS; it's not the earliest Old Latin evidence. Allowing a date c. 370 to stand, Vercellensis would be contemporary with Ambrose of Milan, who quoted from Mark 16:9-20 repeatedly. So already the idea that the evidence shows a shift from the abrupt ending to 16:9-20 is exploded by the evidence; the Old Latin evidence does not first testify to the abrupt ending and then to 16:9-20.

Second, Codex Vercellensis is extensively damaged: the text ends at the end of a page in Mk. 15:15, and the next page is one that contains the Vulgate text of 16:7 (beginning with the word galileam) – 16:20. In 1928, C. H. Turner proposed that the supplement-page began in 16:7 because the missing final leaf had originally begun at the same point. And he surmised further that if no additional leaves were originally present, then if one were to begin to write in the original copyist’s normal handwriting, the remaining space on the final leaf would not be sufficient to contain 16:9-20. However, Turner seems to have just assumed that the four obviously removed leaves were the only leaves ever at the end of the MS, and it never seems to have occurred to him that if a repairer had the original pages to consult, he would have resumed the text from 15:15, not from 16:7. And it seems to have never occurred to him that a more likely scenario is that the supplemental page containing 16:7-20 was cannibalized from a damaged copy of the Vulgate.

Codex Vercellensis is not a clear witness for or against any ending of Mark.

Meanwhile, Latin patristic writers are clear witnesses for Mark 16:9-20, as we saw earlier in this discussion. The evidence from the early Latin argumentum (prefatory summaries) of Mark and the early breves (episode-lists) also support the inclusion of 16:9-20. With the exception of Codex Bobbiensis, all undamaged Old Latin codices of Mark support the inclusion of 16:9-20. And the text in these Old Latin codices, early or late, did not spring into existence ex nihilo; each and every one echoes an ancestral text from before the Vulgate; i.e, even the late Old Latin MSS generally attest to a text that is earlier than, or contemporary to, the earliest Old Latin MSS.

I believe there's room here for an observation about Codex Bobbiensis. It is sometimes claimed that the text of Codex Bobbiensis closely resembled the Gospels-text used by Cyprian, and for this reason, the readings in Bobbiensis, even when unattested by Cyprian, are assumed to be as old as Cyprian’s text, i.e., the readings not attributable to the scribe (who was a remarkably bad copyist) are assumed to descend from the mid-200’s. However, this is based on the analysis of Burkitt, whose analysis focuses almost entirely on readings in Matthew, not Mark. As far as the text of Mark is concerned, there is no clear link between the text used by Cyprian and the contents of Bobbiensis.

So, if the Gothic, Armenian, and Latin evidence does not reveal a shift from the abrupt ending to 16:9-20, what about the Ethiopic version? The simple fact is that there is not a single Ethiopic copy of the Gospel of Mark that ends with 16:8.

Let’s try the Syriac evidence. The multitude of copies of the Peshitta uniformly support the inclusion of Mark 16:9-20. The Curetonian Syriac contains just enough text from Mark to show that it included 16:17-18. In the Sinaitic Syriac, Mark ends at the end of 16:8. As we hear the testimony of each of these witnesses, we are hearing the echoes of earlier copies. But there is yet more ancient testimony to consider: Ephrem (d. 373) and Aphraates (c. 345) both used material from Mark 16:9-20. So there is no way to maintain a shift from the abrupt ending to 16:9-20 in the Syriac evidence; the Syriac evidence for 16:9-20 is older than the Syriac evidence for the abrupt ending.

What about the Sahidic evidence? See the following post.

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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