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Old 06-23-2008, 10:29 AM   #111
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I haven't been able to confirm that exteme penalty refers to crucifixion, as opposed to the death penalty in general, even just the most extreme penalty.
Here, this might help you.

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Originally Posted by Against Verres/Second pleading book 5

Then you might remit some part of the extreme punishment. Did he not know him? Then, if you thought fit, you might establish this law for all people, that whoever was not known to you, and could not produce a rich man to vouch for him, even though he were a Roman citizen, was still to be crucified.
http://en.wikisource.org/wiki/Agains...leading_book_5
Hi.

I think Toto is agreeing with you that the extreme punishment is capital punishment, or execution, but not seeing how it has to be crucifixion in particular (as opposed to, say, hanging or beheading). In the example you provide, why can it not be merely that this particular case of the extreme punishment, or execution, happens to be crucifixion?

Ben.
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Old 06-23-2008, 10:49 AM   #112
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Hi.

I think Toto is agreeing with you that the extreme punishment is capital punishment, or execution, but not seeing how it has to be crucifixion in particular (as opposed to, say, hanging or beheading). In the example you provide, why can it not be merely that this particular case of the extreme punishment, or execution, happens to be crucifixion?

Ben.
Is there any evidence where it's not crucifixion?
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Old 06-23-2008, 10:58 AM   #113
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Hi.

I think Toto is agreeing with you that the extreme punishment is capital punishment, or execution, but not seeing how it has to be crucifixion in particular (as opposed to, say, hanging or beheading). In the example you provide, why can it not be merely that this particular case of the extreme punishment, or execution, happens to be crucifixion?

Ben.
It can be, depending on which class it's being applied to. For Roman citizens the extreme penalty could be a simple efficient loping off of the head.

For non-citizens and slaves, crucifixion was the extreme, ultimate, supreme penalty, and the one preferred by the Romans to use. It was done to set an example that nobody would soon forget. Agonizing on a cross for a day or two in front of people is not something that would inspire any other slave or non-citizen to commit a capital offense.
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Old 06-23-2008, 11:41 AM   #114
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Hi.

I think Toto is agreeing with you that the extreme punishment is capital punishment, or execution, but not seeing how it has to be crucifixion in particular (as opposed to, say, hanging or beheading). In the example you provide, why can it not be merely that this particular case of the extreme punishment, or execution, happens to be crucifixion?

Ben.
Is there any evidence where it's not crucifixion?
Yes - the example I cited where the miscreants were beheaded.
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Old 06-23-2008, 11:52 AM   #115
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At that time Tacitus was 12 years old. Do you really believe he wrote that. He started writing about 20 years later, as a noble man from a family with political influence, he would not write anything about a disliked arsonist cesar.
Like I have been saying all along, he researched and cross-referenced his sources to excavate the information.
I find the likelihood that Tacitus took an official record of the trial and execution of a messanic wannabe in Pilate's time and cross referanced it to the execution of Christians by Nero somewhat implausable.

in the first instance any record of trial and execution would require a name for the victim. In Histories Tacitus refers to Simon who proclaimed himself 'king of the Jews' and hence the messiah or christus. Even then the association between a specific wannabe messiah and the Christians of Rome is not clear. Tacitus would not know that Jesus ben Joseph would be the christus of Nero's christians unless he had been told especially as Jesus' followers were so few in number compared to other 'christs' who met with an equally sticky end. Any official document would only state the name of criminal and crime, extra information is required to link official document to the religion of the christians.

Tacitus could have referred to Josephus who mentions numerous robbers and trickster who posed as the christ. But Josephus makes it clear that Vespasian is the christ and this belief is mentioned by Suetonius as well as other Roman writers which would determine that it was well known.

Tacitus could have spoken to Pliny the younger but although Pliny knows the christians as subversive he is unsure of what they actually believe.

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They affirmed the whole of their guilt, or their
error, was, that they met on a stated day before it was light, and
addressed a form of prayer to Christ, as to a divinity, binding
themselves by a solemn oath, not for the purposes of any wicked
design, but never to commit any fraud, theft, or adultery, never to
falsify their word, nor deny a trust when they should be called
upon to deliver it up; after which it was their custom to separate,
and then reassemble, to eat in common a harmless meal. From this
custom, however, they desisted after the publication of my edict,
by which, according to your commands, I forbade the meeting of
any assemblies. After receiving this account, I judged it so much
the more necessary to endeavor to extort the real truth, by putting
two female slaves to the torture, who were said to officiate' in their
religious rites: but all I could discover was evidence of an absurd
and extravagant superstition.
Surprisingly Pliny is not told that the christians follow the christ crucified by Pilate he is simply their god.

this leads to the far more interesting question of who the christians in 64 really were. anyway that is another story. Although the crucifixion of christians was to enable them to be human torches which appears to derive from these christians predicting that Rome will burn along with the rest of the heathens, [at least according to later critics of christianity such as Celsus, who beleived the christians had perveted the long held belief in the cycle of destruction to include god raining down fire]
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Old 06-23-2008, 11:59 AM   #116
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in the first instance any record of trial and execution would require a name for the victim. In Histories Tacitus refers to Simon who proclaimed himself 'king of the Jews' and hence the messiah or christus.
How do you connect the two?

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Tacitus would not know that Jesus ben Joseph would be the christus of Nero's christians unless he had been told especially as Jesus' followers were so few in number compared to other 'christs' who met with an equally sticky end.
Who all were called Christus?

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Any official document would only state the name of criminal and crime, extra information is required to link official document to the religion of the christians.
But we have that. Josephus and the Gospels report the same thing. The best hypothesis that satisfies all the evidence is that a real person named Jesus called Christ was crucified by Pilate.

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Tacitus could have referred to Josephus who mentions numerous robbers and trickster who posed as the christ. But Josephus makes it clear that Vespasian is the christ and this belief is mentioned by Suetonius as well as other Roman writers which would determine that it was well known.
Josephus never calls Vespasian the Christ. He merely said that he was whom the prophecies talked about.

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Tacitus could have spoken to Pliny the younger but although Pliny knows the christians as subversive he is unsure of what they actually believe.
Why is that relevant?

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Surprisingly Pliny is not told that the christians follow the christ crucified by Pilate he is simply their god.
Er, shades of Doherty and bad Latin. Pliny does not say that Christ is their god, but merely that they worship him as if he were a god.
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Old 06-23-2008, 12:05 PM   #117
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Hi.

I think Toto is agreeing with you that the extreme punishment is capital punishment, or execution, but not seeing how it has to be crucifixion in particular (as opposed to, say, hanging or beheading). In the example you provide, why can it not be merely that this particular case of the extreme punishment, or execution, happens to be crucifixion?

Ben.
Is there any evidence where it's not crucifixion?
I do not know. (I am asking.)

I myself happen to suspect that Tacitus is probably echoing the servile supplicium usually meted out to slaves (refer to Hengel, Crucifixion, page 3). The route that Fathom seems to be going would raise this suspicion to firmer ground, if it pans out.

The explanation that crucifixion was reserved for noncitizens is the sort of thing I was after. Here is my next question: While (I agree) only noncitizens could be crucified, crucifixion was, AFAICT, not the only punishment reserved for noncitizens. For example, Theudas was beheaded (according to Josephus), and I doubt Theudas was a Roman citizen.

So, what is the evidence that a term like supplicium adfectus, when applied to a noncitizen, generally means crucifixion as opposed to some other form of capital punishment? (I am neither confirming nor denying that such evidence exists; again, I am asking.)

Thanks.

Ben.
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Old 06-23-2008, 12:20 PM   #118
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Thank you for your comments. Now, let's see how accurate your comments actually are according to the evidence, as well as scholarly opinion.
Evidence? What evidence? All you have referred to is scholarly opinion "on both sides" which is "at odds". And if the main appeal is to Eusebius, that shows how feeble such "evidence" is.

By not presenting any of that evidence (other than a quote from Eusebius, which requires some evidence that we ought to trust it), you have made no counter to my post other than an appeal to authority.

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His first presentation comes from the church father Eusebius. Eusebius demonstrates his belief that Trypho historically existed as evidenced in HE 4.18.1-10. He not only believes Trypho existed, but also lists the place it occurred.
So a "belief" by Eusebius a century and a half after the document is 'proof' that Trypho existed? This from a writer who presents us with a letter from Jesus himself written to Abgar of Edessa?

Christian tradition contains many ideas which virtually no scholarship today considers at all reliable, let alone accurate. Such as, for example, Eusebius' claim that Mark evangelized Egypt and was its first Christian bishop, or that Philo went to Rome to speak with Peter. Is Eusebius' view of Trypho to be regarded as any more secure than that?

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The evidence does not lay with your opinion, but with the fact that a mere 175 years after Justin Martyr penned his Trypho works, we have a historical reference to it from Eusebius, who no doubt demonstrates not only his belief in Trypho's historicity, but also adds a detail of where it occurred, demonstrating a knowledge of it being an actual event.
A "mere 175 years"... (I can come up with no counter to this which would do it justice.) If this is the best you can come up with, I am glad to see that I don't have to take any further time on the matter. With responses like this, I don't need "good luck" to lower that peg.

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Old 06-23-2008, 12:20 PM   #119
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Like I have been saying all along, he researched and cross-referenced his sources to excavate the information.
I find the likelihood that Tacitus took an official record of the trial and execution of a messanic wannabe in Pilate's time and cross referanced it to the execution of Christians by Nero somewhat implausable.

in the first instance any record of trial and execution would require a name for the victim.
You may be focusing too much on the person of Christus being mentioned instead of what the paragraph was trying to tell you. But let me show you what I mean ...

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Originally Posted by Tacitus' Annals

.... called Christians by the populace. Christus, from whom the name had its origin ....
The purpose of calling him "Christus" instead of Jesus was to show his relationship to Christians. This is clearly evidenced by the words of "from whom the name had its origin." The paragraph is really about the Christians, and not so much about Christ. It details the punishments placed upon the Christians by Nero.

Regards.
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Old 06-23-2008, 12:27 PM   #120
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Thank you for your comments. Now, let's see how accurate your comments actually are according to the evidence, as well as scholarly opinion.
Evidence? What evidence? All you have referred to is scholarly opinion "on both sides" which is "at odds". And if the main appeal is to Eusebius, that shows how feeble such "evidence" is.

By not presenting any of that evidence (other than a quote from Eusebius, which requires some evidence that we ought to trust it), you have made no counter to my post other than an appeal to authority.



So a "belief" by Eusebius a century and a half after the document is 'proof' that Trypho existed? This from a writer who presents us with a letter from Jesus himself written to Abgar of Edessa?

Christian tradition contains many ideas which virtually no scholarship today considers at all reliable, let alone accurate. Such as, for example, Eusebius' claim that Mark evangelized Egypt and was its first Christian bishop, or that Philo went to Rome to speak with Peter. Is Eusebius' view of Trypho to be regarded as any more secure than that?

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The evidence does not lay with your opinion, but with the fact that a mere 175 years after Justin Martyr penned his Trypho works, we have a historical reference to it from Eusebius, who no doubt demonstrates not only his belief in Trypho's historicity, but also adds a detail of where it occurred, demonstrating a knowledge of it being an actual event.
A "mere 175 years"... (I can come up with no counter to this which would do it justice.) If this is the best you can come up with, I am glad to see that I don't have to take any further time on the matter. With responses like this, I don't need "good luck" to lower that peg.

Earl Doherty
But you see, Earl, that's my point. Your diatribe was presented as if it was a fact, when the real fact is that it was merely an opinion which attempted to invalidate mine. So how is my opinion any less valid when scholars agree with it?

Since Eusebius demonstrates a knowledge of where the event occurred, then that is some evidence that his knowledge may have originated with a yet unknown source.

Regards
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