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10-13-2006, 11:27 AM | #151 | ||||
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Sageman found that, for all the simplistic claims made recently about poverty breeding terrorism, a majority of his al-Qaeda sample were middle or upper class and well-educated. Of his sample of 382, he had information on the social status of 306; he found that 17.6 per cent were upper class, 54.9 per cent middle class, and 27.5 per cent lower class. The highest number of upper- or middle-class individuals was among the Core Arabs (from Saudi Arabia, Egypt, Yemen and Kuwait), and the highest number of lower-class individuals was among the Maghreb Arabs from north Africa. Even among those who seem most closely to fit the terrorist stereotype - the Southeast Asians - Sageman found a bias towards being middle class. Out of those for whom he had information about family background and social status, 10 of the Southeast Asians were middle class and two lower class. Most of the great movers and shakers of the so-called "revolutionary" (actually deeply reactionary) totalitarian political movements of the 20th century were middle or professional class - Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trostky, Mussolini, Qutb, and hordes of lesser lights. Quote:
Unless of course you mean "reaction" sort of as in chemistry, not the result of any thought (one must presume these people to be zombies with no moral compass, I suppose?). Quote:
I don't disagree that some of the factors you mention - poverty, political oppression (by thugocracies supported in the past by the US) - are part of the story, but by far the biggest part of the story is that Islamofascism is a pseudo-intellectual Utopian fantasy, just like Communism, Fascism, Nazism, Baathism, and all the rest of the stuff in "history's dustbin of discarded lies" (or however it goes ). It's the appeal of these ideologies as uplifting narratives (or fairy stories) to the poorly-educated and oppressed youth, and such, that causes all the trouble. |
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10-13-2006, 01:05 PM | #152 |
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This seems like a subject for another thread, but that's essentially saying that these Islamists are more bourgeois than proletarian, to use Marxist jargon.
It must be said, however, that many other revolutionaries have been largely bourgeois. Communist ones. The French ones. Even the American ones. Simply check on the signers of the Declaration of Independence -- lawyers and judges and businessmen, often college-educated. And sometimes slaveowners. A contemporary, Samuel Johnson of Dictionary fame, marveled at the sight of slaveowners making such a big fuss about freedom. So what had motivated all these bourgeois revolutionaries? |
10-13-2006, 01:20 PM | #153 |
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I think the Indian independence movement was also bourgeois (is that the right sp?).
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10-13-2006, 02:27 PM | #154 | |
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The whole is substantial and other things are taking priority. The first book, with thanks to your text, should appear first. Best wishes, Pete |
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10-14-2006, 09:10 AM | #155 | |
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10-14-2006, 09:49 PM | #156 | |||||||
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Assuming your bigoted nomenclature of "islamofacist" was meant to convey "islamic militants", the reality is what I said: radical islam would have no foot soldiers if there weren't hordes of dissatisfied people in the oppressed slums. Leaders without soldiers wouldn't accomplish anything. If you doubt me, then expand your scope of view to include Hamas, Islamic Jihad, the Islamic Brotherhood, etc. They aren't *all* university-trained engineers; there are quite a few ordinary slumdwellers in the group. Quote:
What I DID say, however, is that these leaders wouldn't have anyone to command, if external pressure didn't exist, and if that external pressure wasn't creating hordes of willing footsoldiers. Quote:
Whether radical Islam is attractive to 5% or 50% of the people in slums - my point still stands: it is the external pressure, the poverty, etc. that make the recruiting easy for the organizers. Don't like that fact? Too bad; because it's the same way all around the world, regardless of whether the issue is islamic radicalism, northern ireland, inner city crime in the US, drug cartels in South America, Tamil Tigers, etc. etc. People who have a big stake in the current status quo are unwilling to rock the boat or change things. They aren't footsoldier material. It is the precisely people who have little or nothing to lose that are susceptible to radical movements -- they are far more willing to roll the dice to see if they can change the hand of cards that life has dealt them. That's where your footsoldiers come from. Want to eliminate the footsoldiers? Eliminate the forces that create them in the first place. I've mercifully deleted your whine about the morality - I'll only say that anyone questioning the morality of resistance needs to also review the morality of the original actions that *prompted* the resistance. Failure to do so is hypocrisy. As might be expected, it also appears that you've missed the point: this analysis is not an attempt to define the morality. There's little to be gained from that. Instead, it's an attempt to accurately connect cause and effect, so that in case -- just in case -- anyone is seriously interested in reducing these situations, they'll have a starting point from which to begin. It's a forlorn hope in most cases, I know. Quote:
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That kind of morality, you mean? Quote:
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And as long as people like yourself persist in misunderstanding the dynamics here, you'll continue to understimate the scope of this movement and blame the wrong sources. |
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10-14-2006, 10:20 PM | #157 | ||
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On the other hand - Israel rules over large swaths of Islamic areas, India rules over such areas, Thailand does as well, as does Russia. As for East Timor -- it is only christian as a result of European conquest and colonialism of an indigenous people who were primarily Islamic before the conquest. The elite in E. Timor are the Portuguese-derived upper class. Your example proves my point, actually. Quote:
* Israel rules over Galilee and the West Bank - both overwhelmingly muslim. * Russia rules over Chechnya - again, predominantly muslim. * Thailand rules over five southern districts that were forcibly incorporated into the modern state of Thailand, even though they were not Buddhist - and those are the same states that insurgents arise from. * The Philippines has a similar situation. These four examples illustrate Robert Pape's point. As you can see, I'm trying to draw up a mirror image between the islamic situation and the christian situation. But it's not working, because the christian nations have dominant militaries and economies. |
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10-15-2006, 02:30 AM | #158 | |
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There are millions of people all over the world who are extremely poor and/or could justifiably consider themselves oppressed, but who for some strange reason don't kill innocent people who have nothing to do with their problem. I'm not denying that your "footsoldier" point has relevance, but you do seem to be making a most strenuous effort to ignore the effect of pseudo-intellectual, middle-class fantasy ideology. Perhaps it's a bit too close to the bone for you. |
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10-17-2006, 05:57 PM | #159 | ||
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12-25-2006, 03:50 AM | #160 |
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I have finally read this book myself and will now give my review of it.
Overall I was not too impressed with the book. I personally didn't care for the writing style, which is quite narrative in format, with many words being used to make each point that could have been made in far fewer. I also thought that the author should have quoted more and paraphrased less. I found that his treatment of Christian sources, especially the Bible, was very naive. He takes the Bible at face value and isn't even up on the positions held by moderate Christian scholars in regard to the reliability of the Bible as history. For example, he treats Acts as reliable history, referring to it many times to explain the rise of Christianity and to elucidate the historical figure of Paul, which I found quite annoying. His treatment of Jesus was even less critical than the Jesus Seminar, basically taking anything that "Jesus" is claimed to have said in the Gospels as fact. He seems to assume that the Gospels are reliable history. His points overall were okay, and supported, but only weakly compared to the actual evidence that exists. He made several statements that were wrong in ways that weakened his own points, for example he discusses the work of Copernicus, and claims that Copernicus saw that the work of Ptolemy was incorrect, thus he reworked it, when in fact Copernicus based his work on Aristarchus of Samos, who had put together the first mathematical heliocentric proof back in the 3rd century BCE. Copernicus even credited Aristarchus in his rough draft of his publication, but later decided to take all the references to him out, for what reason we are not sure, perhaps either to make the work appear more original or to avoid controversy. I would expect a book that intends to take on these subjects to note this type of information, and to be more critical of Christian sources. He also made little use of the vast library of Christian apologetics. He also made the same old mistake of pointing to Aristotle as the "key scientist" of the pre-Christian era, and made little commentary on Democritus or Epicurus, and failed to make many key points about how Aristotle overturned centuries of accepted "undirected" naturalism, replacing it with the teleology that later came to dominate Christian thought. He wrongly states that the overturning of the ideas of Aristotle was a part of the problem, not that Aristotle himself was a part of the problem. Overall, while the book proves a respectable time line of overall events, and names most of the key players I find it quite weak and disappointing. I intended to use this book as research for my book on Christianity vs. Evolution, but I'll more likely be arguing against the points made in this book than for them. This book is a good example of how difficult it can be to get ones head around this subject and its material. Our history is so warped by Christianity that even people who attempt to point out this fact often fail by themselves being trapped into Christian versions of history. I'm not sure what to make of the sections that contained information that I was less familiar with, because in all the section that had information that I was familiar with I found his treatments troubling and naive. Some of the sections, that dealt more with the later Emperors, etc., seems okay to me, but only because I myself didn't have a firm grasp of the primary sources. In every case where I myself had primary source knowledge that was relevant, I disagreed with his treatment of the material. Though a significant portion of the book seemed agreeable, it was probably only due to my lack of knowledge in those areas. Overall I found this book way too favorable to Christianity and not nearly critical enough. |
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