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Old 03-08-2004, 04:14 PM   #31
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Originally posted by Doctor X
Quirinius started in 6 CE whilst Herod was DEAD by 4 BCE. Try again.
Luke was either wrong about when Quirnius ruled or referred, as many scholars have suggested, that he refered to a census before Quirinius. But Luke clearly places Jesus' birth in the reign of King Herod.

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Au contraire mon ami [He knows no French!--Ed.]

Acts 1:18 Now this man [Judas--Ed.] bought a field with the reward of his wickedness; and falling headlong he burst open in the middle and all his bowels gushed out.

Try again.

--J.D.
"falling headlong" is hardly spontaneous.
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Old 03-08-2004, 04:28 PM   #32
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Originally posted by Toto
This is not Peter saying he had a vision - it is a later story telling inventing a vision. How can we be sure that it is a story? Because it would have been highly unlikely for Peter to have been so wishy washy on the subject of table fellowship if he had had such a vision from God, or if Jesus had said anything on the question.
The point is that it cannot be presumed ahistorical everytime someone reports someone having a vision. Obviously there were early Christians who claimed to have visions.

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They do, but that is subject for another thread.
Fee free to quote Pervo as much as you want.

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Which reasons? All of your reasons have been adequately rebutted by someone.
Not at all. Though some have expressed disagreement on some of the points, they have hardly refuted the arguments for a second Lysanias, or responded to all of my points.

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If there were two Lysanias', would not the younger one be designated Lysanias son of X, or Lysanias of Y? The Herod's all seem to have had some way of telling them apart.
They may have been so designated. Or maybe not. Or maybe not in what has survived. Afterall, Mark refers to "King Herod" when he is actually referring to Herod Antipas. Matthew refers to a King Herod and a Herod the Tetarch, much as Josephus does re: Lysanias. But he never mentions the "Antipas" name.

It's also possible that the older Lysanias was distinguished in some way. Afterall, Josephus pinpoints him by refering to him as "Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy." Josephus also vaguely refers to a "house of Lysanias," again suggesting that there was a powerful family at issue.
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Old 03-08-2004, 04:37 PM   #33
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Exactly which of your points do you think still need a response?
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Old 03-08-2004, 05:03 PM   #34
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Originally posted by Toto
Exactly which of your points do you think still need a response?
I'm not inclined to play foresnic posting with you Toto. I made arguments. Some were responded to and some not. You think that those responded to were "refuted" and I do not.
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Old 03-08-2004, 05:37 PM   #35
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I did not succeed in convincing Layman that early Christians believed that the end of the world was going to happen within their generation.

Overwhelming evidence is not enough for Layman.

There is a bias here that evidence and logic will not change.
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Old 03-08-2004, 09:33 PM   #36
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Not wishing to waste my time on Layman (who seems to do little other than cite preferred authorities), but to clarify for interested parties,

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Originally posted by Layman
Though some have expressed disagreement on some of the points, they have hardly refuted the arguments for a second Lysanias, or responded to all of my points.
The only reason for a case for a second Lysanias is based on

1) inerrantist desires not to have Luke saying anything wrong, and
2) apologetic scholars who wish to shape the available evidence, such as Schuerer, Fitzmyer et al.

Without the need to save Luke's face, no-one would have thought of creating a new Lysanias to have control of Abilene in 29 CE.

Lysanias lost control of his territory to Cleopatra, Mark Antony killed him (see below for all references). The territory later cropped up in the possession of the robber Zenodorus at the time Varus was proconsul of Syria (circa 7 BCE - 6 CE), the territory still being linked by name to Lysanias to specifiy where Zenodorus ensconced himself.

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They may have been so designated. Or maybe not. Or maybe not in what has survived. Afterall, Mark refers to "King Herod" when he is actually referring to Herod Antipas. Matthew refers to a King Herod and a Herod the Tetarch, much as Josephus does re: Lysanias. But he never mentions the "Antipas" name.

It's also possible that the older Lysanias was distinguished in some way. Afterall, Josephus pinpoints him by refering to him as "Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy." Josephus also vaguely refers to a "house of Lysanias," again suggesting that there was a powerful family at issue.
Reading Josephus, you'd know that this last suggestion was plainly wrong. Josephus says, "Zenodorus... had hired the house of Lysanias". What, had hired this "powerful family" according to Layman? Doh.

With Antony terminating that "powerful family"'s control of the territory, which some time after the death of Cleopatra found its way into the hands of Zenodorus only to go back into the hands of the Romans -- and the territory was still referred to by attaching Lysanias's name to it. Look at the phrase from JW 2.11.5: "that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius". You mightn't remember Abilene, but it seems you'll remember the kingdom of Lysanias. JW 2.12.8 merely talks of "the kingdom of Lysanias". The name of Lysanias clearly lingers on long after the man is dead. So when we come to AJ 19.5.1, is there any reason to believe that "Abila of Lysanias" had somehow made its way back into the hands of someone else by the name of Lysanias? or are we simply dealing with what we have already seen, ie the name of Lysanias lingering on? Occam says the latter.


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AJ 14.13.3.
Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus; and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest in him.


AJ 15.4.1.
And as she [Cleopatra] went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries.


JW 1.13.1.
Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Paeorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents, and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it.


JW 1.20.4.
Moreover, after the first games at Actium, he added to his kingdom both the region called Trachonitis, and what lay in its neighborhood, Batanea, and the country of Auranitis; and that on the following occasion: Zenodorus, who had hired the house of Lysanias, had all along sent robbers out of Trachonitis among the Damascenes; who thereupon had recourse to Varus, the president of Syria, and desired of him that he would represent the calamity they were in to Caesar. When Caesar was acquainted with it, he sent back orders that this nest of robbers should be destroyed. Varus therefore made an expedition against them, and cleared the land of those men, and took it away from Zenodorus. Caesar did also afterward bestow it on Herod, that it might not again become a receptacle for those robbers that had come against Damascus. He also made him a procurator of all Syria, and this on the tenth year afterward, when he came again into that province; and this was so established, that the other procurators could not do any thing in the administration without his advice: but when Zenodorus was dead, Caesar bestowed on him all that land which lay between Trachonitis and Galilee.


JW 1.22.3.
This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was taken off, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.


JW 2.11.5.
Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius. This gift he declared to the people by a decree, but ordered the magistrates to have the donation engraved on tables of brass, and to be set up in the capitol. He bestowed on his brother Herod, who was also his son-in-law, by marrying [his daughter] Bernice, the kingdom of Chalcis.


JW 2.12.8.
After this Caesar sent Felix, (16) the brother of Pallas, to be procurator of Galilee, and Samaria, and Perea, and removed Agrippa from Chalcis unto a greater kingdom; for he gave him the tetrarchy which had belonged to Philip, which contained Batanae, Trachonitis, and Gaulonitis: he added to it the kingdom of Lysanias, and that province [Abilene] which Varus had governed.


AJ 19.5.1.
NOW when Claudius had taken out of the way all those soldiers whom he suspected, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Caius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories.


AJ 20.7.1.
SO Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea; and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip and Batanea, and added thereto Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years.


Strabo 16.2.20.
Above Massyas lies the Royal Valley, as it is called, and also the Damascene country, which is accorded exceptional praise. The city Damascus is also a noteworthy city, having been, I might almost say, even the most famous of the cities in that part of the world in the time of the Persian empire; and above it are situated two Trachones, as they are called. And then, this inhabited promiscuously by Arabians and Ituraeans, are mountains hard to pass, in which there are deep-mouthed caves, one of which can dmit as many as four thousand people in times of incursions, such as are made against the Damasceni from many places. For the most part, indeed, the barbarians have been robbing the merchants from Arabia Felix, but this is less the case now that the band of robbers under Zenodorus has been broken up through the good government established by the Romans and through the security established by the Roman soldiers that are kept in Syria.
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Old 03-08-2004, 11:41 PM   #37
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Layman:

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Luke was either wrong about when Quirnius ruled or referred, as many scholars have suggested, that he refered to a census before Quirinius. But Luke clearly places Jesus' birth in the reign of King Herod.
There were no such censuses . . . censii . . . particularly any that required a person to return to the place of their birth. It is not "clear" to anyone that he places it during the reign of Herod. However, thank you for stating that Lk was wrong. Inerrants will not agree with you.

Of course it may be Mt who was wrong. Frankly, methinks both created narratives to serve similar purposes in different ways.

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"falling headlong" is hardly spontaneous.
You think he planned it?

--J.D.
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Old 03-09-2004, 12:24 AM   #38
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Originally posted by Doctor X
[B]Layman:
There were no such censuses . . . censii . . . particularly any that required a person to return to the place of their birth. It is not "clear" to anyone that he places it during the reign of Herod. However, thank you for stating that Lk was wrong. Inerrants will not agree with you.
I made no such admission. I said it was a possibility. Most scholars think he was wrong. Most scholars also conclude that Luke places Jesus' birth during the reign of King Herod. He and Matthew agree on that, at least.

Quote:
Of course it may be Mt who was wrong. Frankly, methinks both created narratives to serve similar purposes in different ways.
It may be that Matthew was wrong and Luke was right. Or Luke was right and Matthew wrong. Or that they agree and were both right. Or that they agree and were both wrong.


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You think he planned it?
You did not say unplanned, you said spontaneous--as if there was no cause. The physical cause is there. Judas fell. Why he fell is not mentioned by Luke.
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Old 03-09-2004, 01:36 AM   #39
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Layman:

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Most scholars also conclude that Luke places Jesus' birth during the reign of King Herod.
Not the scholars I have read. The link to Quirinius is clear. Herod is long dead.

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It may be that Matthew was wrong and Luke was right. Or Luke was right and Matthew wrong.
Both have literary devices to get Junior to be from the house of David and different places. This suggests that both are literary creations and, yes, many scholars agree with that!

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Or that they agree and were both right. Or that they agree and were both wrong.
They cannot agree because they link the birth to separate dates nearly ten years appart at least.

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You did not say unplanned, you said spontaneous--as if there was no cause. The physical cause is there. Judas fell. Why he fell is not mentioned by Luke.
Okay, now I get you. I considered the fall pretty "spontaneous." How you can trip in a field and evicerate yourself? You have to imagine a Monty Pythonesque explanation! I may have given the impression of "spontaneous" as in he was sitting in a chair sipping Maneschewitz when he suddenly exploded.

However, this contradicts Mt's story about him hanging himself!

--J.D.
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Old 03-09-2004, 02:06 AM   #40
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As an initial matter, Fitzmyer is hardly an apologist. He refers to attempts to reconcile the genealogies in Matthew and Luke as "pious speculation" that "does not summon up great credence." He also describes the census as "a purely literary device used by him to associate Mary and Joseph, residents of Nazareth, with Bethlehem." To suggest, therefore, that he is so biased that he would grasp at meritless straws only to prove Luke's accuracy on the rather vague reference to Lysanias is so unfounded it's almost humorous. I am much less familiar with Schurer, but from what I have read makes your assertion as to him just as inaccurate. Schurer is one of the staunchest scholarly opponents of the attempts to salvage the historicity of Luke's reference to the census. So again, to turn around and call him an apologist and suggest he'd bend the truth or ignore evidence merely to uphold Lucan accuracy is unfounded. In any event, methinks you are projecting here.

Moreover, I'll stick with the real scholars, including the nonapologists Fitzmyer and Schurer, on the question of the inscription, which attests to a Lysanias tetrarch no later than 14 CE and as late as 29 CE. Not even Goldberg challenges this reading of the inscription. Nor do I buy the notion that the Lysanias being referred to was the one who was freed as a slave 50 - 65 years earlier (assuming of course that it happened on the last day of Lysanias' rule). That seems most unlikely.

Quote:
Reading Josephus, you'd know that this last suggestion was plainly wrong. Josephus says, "Zenodorus... had hired the house of Lysanias". What, had hired this "powerful family" according to Layman? Doh.
After reading the reference in Wars, I admit to finding this passage confusing. It does sound like it's referring to Zendorus' use of the Itchucien Empire. If anyone can offer more clarification I'd appreciate it.

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With Antony terminating that "powerful family"'s control of the territory, which some time after the death of Cleopatra found its way into the hands of Zenodorus only to go back into the hands of the Romans -- and the territory was still referred to by attaching Lysanias's name to it. Look at the phrase from JW 2.11.5: "that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanius". You mightn't remember Abilene, but it seems you'll remember the kingdom of Lysanias. JW 2.12.8 merely talks of "the kingdom of Lysanias". The name of Lysanias clearly lingers on long after the man is dead. So when we come to AJ 19.5.1, is there any reason to believe that "Abila of Lysanias" had somehow made its way back into the hands of someone else by the name of Lysanias? or are we simply dealing with what we have already seen, ie the name of Lysanias lingering on? Occam says the latter.
First, Antony did not terminate the family. Josephus only records the death of King Lysanias.

Second, there is evidence that Zendorus was himself connected to the Lysanias family--as attested by a monument at Heliopolis.

Third, the territory did not find it's way to Zendorus only to fall back into Roman hands. The picture is more complicated than that. Zendorus reigned for many years and then the territory was split into several sections. Even prior to Zeondorus' death, Trachonitis--a part of the Itchucien Empire--was given to Herod the Great. Ant. 15.343/16.271. Later, upon Zendorus' death, Ulatha and Paneus--also parts of the Itchucien Empire--were also given to Herod the Great. Ant. 15.360. And even later, Trachonitis and Paneus were passed on to Philip the Tetrarch. Ant. 17.189. No mention is made of Abilene ever being passed on to Herod the Great or to Philip. It was only a small part of the original territory and in no way comprised any significant part of Ptolemy's kingdom. That part of the Itchucien Empire was not given to a Herod or any his descendants until around 40 CE or so, when Claudius granted it to Agrippa I. With this sequence of events understood, we are in a better position to evaluate Josephus' references to Lysanias and Abilene.

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Ant 14:330 Now, in the second year, Pacorus, the king of Parthia's son, and Barzapharnes, a commander of the Parthians, possessed themselves of Syria. Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, also was now dead, and Lysanias his son took his government, and made a league of friendship with Antigonus, the son of Aristobulus: and in order to obtain it, made use of that commander, who had great interest in him.
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Jwr 1:248 248 Now two years afterward, when Barzapharnes, a governor among the Parthians, and Pacorus, the king's son, had possessed themselves of Syria, and when Lysanias had already succeeded, upon the death of his father Ptolemy, the son of Menneus, in the government [of Chalcis], he prevailed with the governor, by a promise of a thousand talents and five hundred women, to bring back Antigonus to his kingdom, and to turn Hyrcanus out of it.
Ptolemy was King of the Itureans. His empire covered much of Lebanon and beyond, reaching, on the east, to just below Damascus. It's capital was Chalcis, in the Bekaa valley. Ptolemy reigned for 45 years. His son Lysanias took office upon his death, but did not last very long.

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Ant 15:91-92 And as she went over Syria with him, she contrived to get it into her possession; 92 so he slew Lysanias, the son of Ptolemy, accusing him of his bringing the Parthians upon those countries. She also petitioned Antony to give her Judea and Arabia, and, in order thereto, desired him to take these countries away from their present governors.
Quote:
Jwr 1:440 440 This charge fell like a thunderbolt upon Herod, and put him into disorder; and that especially, because his love to her occasioned him to be jealous, and because he considered with himself that Cleopatra was a shrewd woman, and that on her account Lysanias the king was killed, as well as Malichus the Arabian; for his fear did not only extend to the dissolving of his marriage, but to the danger of his life.
Here we have the death of Lysanias and the end of his short lived tenure (less than four years) as King of the Itureans. Zendorus thereafter took over the entire Kingdom.

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Ant 18:236-237 36 Now, as soon as Gaius was come to Rome, and had brought Tiberius' dead body with him, and had made a sumptuous funeral for him, according to the laws of his country, he was much disposed to set Agrippa at liberty that very day; but Antonia hindered him, not out of any ill will to the prisoner, but out of regard to decency in Gaius, lest that should make men believe that he received the death of Tiberius with pleasure, when he loosed one whom he had bound immediately. 237 However, there did not many days pass ere he sent for him to his house, and had him shaved, and made him change his raiment; after which he put a diadem upon his head, and appointed him to be king of the tetrarchy of Philip. He also gave him the tetrarchy of Lysanias, and changed his iron chain for a golden one of equal weight. He also sent Marullus to be procurator of Judea.
Gaius' grant was confirmed by Claudius with more particularity, as will be discussed in more detail below. But note that the reference to the tetrarchy of Philip is mentioned in the same section as the tetrarchy of Lysanias. For me, this counts against the notion that the "tetrarchy of Lysanias" is meant to refer to the Iturien Empire. The tetrarchy of Philip was vacant because Philip had only recently died, whereas Lysanias the son of Ptolemy had died 70+ years earlier. But even more telling is that the "tetrarchy of Philip" included substantial portions of the Iturien Empire, demonstrating -- at least -- that the "tetrarchy of Lysanias" was not a shorthand for those lands.

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Jwr 2:214-215 214 When Claudius heard this, he restrained the violence of the soldiers, and received the senate into the camp, and treated them after an obliging manner, and went out with them presently to offer their thank offerings to God, which were proper upon his first coming to the empire. 215 Moreover, he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias.
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Ant 19:274-276 Now when Claudius had purged all those soldiers whom he suspected from the army, which he did immediately, he published an edict, and therein confirmed that kingdom to Agrippa which Gaius had given him, and therein commended the king highly. He also made all addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; 275 and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila {a} of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories.
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Ant 20:137-139 137 So Claudius sent Felix, the brother of Pallas, to take care of the affairs of Judea; 138 and when he had already completed the twelfth year of his reign, he bestowed upon Agrippa the tetrarchy of Philip, and Batanea, and added thereto territory of the Trachonites, with Abila; which last had been the tetrarchy of Lysanias; but he took from him Chalcis, when he had been governor thereof four years.139
The notion that the name of Lysanias still "lingered on" 70+ years after his death fails to explain the evidence. In the first instance, Lysanias ruled less than four years and was otherwise an obscure fellow. If anything, we might expect the land to be remembered for his father Ptolemy, who reigned for more than 4 decades and founded the Kingdom. Or perhaps for Zendonus, who reigned fore more than two decades and was the last one to rule over the entirety of the Kingdom as a whole.

But even more important is that Josephus describes Abila/Abilene as being a "tetrarchy of Lysanias" or "the kingdom of Lysanias." Abila/Abilene was never any such thing under Lysanias, Ptolemy's son. It was a small and insignificant part of the Iturien Empire. So even if the Lysanias name lingered over that empire, it cannot explain why Abila would be described as the kingdom or tetrarchy of Lysanias. That the references to the "kingdom of Lysanais" are references to Abila, not to the much larger Iturien Empire, is pretty clear in Jewish Wars, but especially so in Antiquities.

In Jewish Wars: "he bestowed on Agrippa his whole paternal kingdom immediately, and added to it, besides those countries that had been given by Augustus to Herod, Trachonitis and Auranitis, and still besides these, that kingdom which was called the kingdom of Lysanias."[/b]

Josephus is explicit that the "kingdom of Lysanias" was not part of what August gave to Herod. Indeed, he specifically distinguishes it from Trachnoitis, which was actually a more significant part of the Iturean empire than Abila. Since we know that August gave to Herod most of the Kingdom once belonging to Lysanias the son of Ptolemy, Josephus is referring to another geo-political entity ruled by another Lysanias. Antiquities is quite explicit that this was Abila.

In Antiquities: "He also made all addition to it of all that country over which Herod, who was his grandfather, had reigned, that is, Judea and Samaria; and this he restored to him as due to his family. But for Abila of Lysanias, and all that lay at Mount Libanus, he bestowed them upon him, as out of his own territories."

Josephus refers to two sets of grants to Agrippa. First, "all that country over which Herod" had reigned. This included the parts of the Iturien Kingdom that Caesar had previously given to Herod. These were given 'as due his family." Second, Claudius gave to Agrippa new lands that were not controlled by his family. Included in this is "Abila of Lysanias." So, the "kingdom of Lysanias" is limited to Abila. And it is not the Iturean Empire established by Ptolemy and lost by his son Lysanias.

The Catholic Encyclopedia sums up the conclusion:

Quote:
Lysanias I inherited the Iturean empire of his father Ptolemy, of which Abila was but a small and very obscure portion. Calchis in Coele-Syria was the capital of his kingdom, not Abila in Abilene. He reigned only about four years and was a comparatively obscure individual when compared with his father Ptolemy, or his successor Zenodorus, both of whom reigned many years. There is no reason why any portion of his kingdom should have been called after his name rather than theirs, and it is highly improbable that Josephus speaks of Abilene as called after him seventy years after his death. As Lysanias I was king over the whole region, one small portion of it could not be called his tetrarchy or kingdom, as is done by Josephus (Bel. Jud., II, xii, 8). "It must therefore be assumed as certain that at a later date the district of Abilene had been severed from the kingdom of Calchis, and had been governed by a younger Lysanias as tetrarch" (Schürer, 337). The existence of such a late Lysanias is shown by an inscription found at Abila, containing the statement that a certain Nymphaios, the freedman of Lysanias, built a street and erected a temple in the time of the "August Emperors". Augusti (Sebastoi) in the plural was never used before the death of Augustus, A.D. 14. The first contemporary Sebastoi were Tiberius and his mother Livia, i.e. at a time fifty years after the first Lysanias. An inscription at Heliopolis, in the same region, makes it probable that there were several princes of this name.
http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/09420a.htm#VII

Finally, it seems remote that Luke would have added a reference to Lysanias merely to "boost" his historical details. He had already nailed four of the five leaders in that sentence accurately by name, place, and time. It seems he had some reason we just do not know, though I find it perhaps significant that many scholars have theorized a connection between Syria and the author of Luke/Acts.
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