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Old 06-15-2006, 11:10 PM   #131
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Originally Posted by gnosis92
Bart Ehrman addresses these issues, which other posters have alluded to. For example, while some jewish groups were looking for a messianic figure who would liberate israel from roman rule, there is no recorded evidence in the first century of any jewish group expecting a messiah who would be crucified. such a suggestion strongly goes against the expectations of what the messiah is and would do, and hence it is probably historical.
This raises the question of why Paul thinks Jesus was the Messiah.

For Paul, 'Christ' is practically a name , rather than a job description.

For Paul, Jesus was the Messiah, but what did Jesus actually do that persuaded Paul that Jesus was the Messiah?

What was Paul expecting the Jewish Messiah to do?
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Old 06-16-2006, 12:13 AM   #132
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Originally Posted by gnosis92
Bart Ehrman addresses these issues, which other posters have alluded to. For example, while some jewish groups were looking for a messianic figure who would liberate israel from roman rule, there is no recorded evidence in the first century of any jewish group expecting a messiah who would be crucified. such a suggestion strongly goes against the expectations of what the messiah is and would do, and hence it is probably historical.
Rather than just telling us what Professor Ehrman addresses, please can you ask him for permission for you to reproduce his communication with you here, so that we can see what he says in his own words.
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Old 06-16-2006, 02:07 AM   #133
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Originally Posted by Johann_Kaspar
"Presumably?" Who knows? Nobody. Again only guess work.

Hermann Detering: Paulusbriefe ohne Paulus.

These "letters" mean a complete ideological turnover from the gospels. Written by renegate Jews.
What are your feelings regarding the proposition, put forward by Detering, that 'Paul' was in fact not a Jew, possibly Simon Magus(?).

I thought he made a pretty good case for his hypothesis. Besides, I believe he is also correct in stating that the issues expounded upon by the Dutch have never been adequately refuted.
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Old 06-16-2006, 07:14 AM   #134
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Originally Posted by Johann_Kaspar
And this link to show to our US friends :
The Denial of the Historicity of Jesus in Past and Present so that they will understand that Doherty brings something new only to those who can't read foreign languages... And it is far from complete. There is a long tradition of myth support here. it is sad that they seem not to be aware of it focusing all on Doherty. Did he only bring something new from the previous myth treatments?
May we have some comment on this link? It looks like game set and match to the mythicists to me!

Which is maybe why historians don't bother with the subject - they see it closed in the mythicists favour. The only hjists are apologists and those who accept the hjist arguments, primarily out of ignorance of the people quoted above. Doherty has approached the subject from a slightly different direction and come to the same conclusions.

What probably is required is that this summary or something similar becomes the basis - like origin of the species - for study in this area.
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Old 06-16-2006, 07:28 AM   #135
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Originally Posted by Clivedurdle
What probably is required is that this summary or something similar becomes the basis - like origin of the species - for study in this area.
I would tend to agree that this list merits some solid consideration. Perhaps it can be included in the recommended readings list?

There is clearly a long and distinguished mythicist history that seems to be often overlooked by many. It should be pointed out though that Doherty in his novel (I think, I'm going by memory here) has his protagonist remark with some frustration, after doing a bunch of research, that apparently lots of MJ research has been available for 200 years, but that the results keep getting suppressed by vested interests, so that every few decennia someone has to reinvent the wheel. It seems that Detering is studying some of those wheels again, and opinions about that would be interesting.
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Old 06-16-2006, 07:30 AM   #136
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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
His communication with them, along with his rebuttal of the Jacobian (James) Judaism, is rightly association.
What rebuttal? Paul just had tickets on himself. Nothing more. Association, well, Paul's social skills are so questionable.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Finally, if the untimely born passage is authentic, then we see a succession - Cephas, the Twelve, James, the Apostles, then finally Paul. Paul implies that James and company follow the same Jesus as his.
What do you reckon about this passage though? What were the grafasthat Paul refers to (in the plural) here and only here? Is this the same Paul who believes that the end times are coming now, yet says that some of the whacking 500 have fallen asleep? And who are "all the apostles"?

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
For the most part, yes. Lots of the gospel material we won't know much about - lost to time as you said. But we can see where the earliest layer fits well with - and that is early first century CE Levant.
I don't agree. It's pretty timeless to me.

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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
But none of those are early compared to what we find in the earliest layers of the gospels. It's like asking where did Joseph Smith get his ideas from - entirely irrelevant to the debate.
Not a good analogy. I chose Marcion as a dating for a gospel, because it's a relatively secure one that causes Irenaeus to admit that Marcion touted a written gospel and it was related to the Lucan one that Irenaeus knew. Find me tangible evidence for a gospel before that.

Marcion's gospel cannot be used to argue for the existence of a prior Luke of course for we only have Irenaeus's posterior analysis of the relationship between the two. Our earliest attested gospel is that of Marcion.

So, we have a gospel in the middle of the second century. But before that, zippo. You don't like my showing that there is a long tradition of religious literary developments.

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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Dunno. We can only speculate. Some argue literal, some argue titular. I don't think it matters - I didn't make it crucial to my position. It can rise and fall for all I care.
You were using it as though you knew the reference, but I was attempting to challenge that knowledge as convention rather than tangible.

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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Galatians 2.7, 12-13? That's in your copy too, I hope.
I have argued for years that the "Peter" parenthesis is an obvious church interpolation. What is your problem with 2:12-13. Firstly it contradicts the Peter parenthesis, as Peter it says was sent to the circumcised, which in 2:12 we are told he's involved with gentiles. Secondly it doesn't have anything to do with any association or other relation with Paul, nor does it give insight into their message..

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
I haven't studied Herculean mythology, but from what I gather, he was neither fixed to a certain time period, nor had anyone near that time to write about him. Hercules is on a different level than Jesus.
Wasn't Hercules on the Argo??

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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Quite assuredly, perhaps there was a man whose name was "Herakles" who was reknown as a great hero. But what we have for him is far less than for Jesus, where we at least have the gospel traditions and traditions evinced from Paul. The gap is significantly reduced with Jesus.
This is quite relative. But let's reduce the response to "so?"

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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
My stance was in direct opposition to the mindnumbing statement by aa5874, who, as you ought to now see, rightly deserves the impailment.
I didn't take it that way. Besides, aa5874 (is that a birthday? 5-8-74) doesn't need slapping down. Gagging for a while until the brain switches (back) on, maybe.

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Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Because I don't rely on the status quo for my thoughts. I rely on what evidence I have. The status quo is what we start out with, and then move from there.
In our case we perceive that the status quo is so corrupt that it would seem to contradict ourselves falling back on it.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Likewise, if someone comes out claiming that aspirin was given to us by aliens, do you think we should abandon the standard history of how it was invented?
Feeble analogy.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
In all subjects, for all things, what is the status quo is what we start out with. We learn, and hopefully we change the status quo to better reflect reality. It's never an all or nothing judgement.
In a field in which everything is suspect, your reaction doesn't make sense to me.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
All the better for him. If there was enough evidence that Jesus was the representation for some movement, again, that must be demonstrated.
Whoa thar. The possibility that Arthur was never based on a real person but may have represented a movement was given solely to stop you from making unnecessary assumptions.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Quote:
When you find things from ancient cultures resurfacing in the grail legends, do you think that the writers o[r] the audience even know?
Tough call, but ultimately no. It is quite a feat to figure out the lineage of a tradition. We also have to take into account universal themes, which two identical themes can come from two entirely different sources without mixing any bloodlines. I'm up to the task, and I think that is a major aspect in the "historical Jesus" field. Where to look oh where to look.
Is Jesus not the personification of Wisdom walking the street and dropping pearls before the street swine? Isn't he the word from the mouth of god (Wisdom)?

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
But is he an actual person himself, as Josephus mentions, and later Luke seizes upon?
I don't hold truck in the Luke/Josephus connection. They are two separate witnesses to the tradition.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
But until then, I see no reason to even give it my regards.
But then, I don't think you've got anything better to offer or rely on.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
But I think the evidence does support it. It fits quite nicely, actually.
The other leg plays Jingle Bells.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
Which text do you have in mind? I've done work on Matthew, and others have done monumental work on the other gospels and Paul. Much of this has been explained.
OK then,

1) How many hands worked on Matthew?
2) If #1 is plural, were the purposes of the earlier writers the same as the later ones?
3) Who exactly wrote the gospel of Matthew?
4) Where did he/they write it? (which part of the world exactly?)
5) In what context did each of the hands work under when adding their bit? or, if a single writer, what context stimulated the writing?
6) HTF would you know?

I think you are kidding yourself sorely.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Chris Weimer
At least three - Mark, Matthew, and Luke. John probably surfaced around the time of Marcion, depending on the dating of one very small manuscript.
Do you really want to tout Eusebius on Papias??


Have fun.


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Old 06-16-2006, 07:33 AM   #137
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Christianity also can't be seen as a social movement; its base class is a magical one, not a socio-economical one.
From link above.

This makes complete sense to me - Waltham Abbey does have the zodiac on its roof, xianity this century - via pentecostalism - has returned to its alchemic magical roots.

Why turning wine into blood and bread into flesh is thought in any possible way to be historic is beyond me!
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Old 06-16-2006, 09:37 AM   #138
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By way of introduction, I would like to point out that this posting (dated May 7, 1998 on the HarperCollins “Crosstalk” list) was not simply to question Mahlon Smith’s arguments for the historicity of Jesus but to comment on his often fallacious style of argumentation and the attitude he brought to it. As I often do to save space, I did not insert my comments into a reproduction of Smith’s earlier remarks, though I quote or paraphrase some of the latter. I think one of the principal observations I would make is that those who argue from a determined and inviolable position that an historical Jesus did exist, or that the arguments of any mythicist are totally erroneous and devoid of merit, (and I think that attitude shines through here)—along with mythicists themselves being charlatans (and “asses”: a certain Antonio supplied that)—can often lead one into mistakes of reasoning, exaggeration of claims, and misconstruing one’s own evidence, not to mention an almost ad hominem style of debate. Far better to approach the subject with an open mind and a spirit of inquiry. Unfortunately, too few defenders of an historical Jesus seem to be capable of that.

At this point, I have no desire to demean Mahlon Smith. Perhaps he was having a bad day. Or perhaps his antagonism just got the better of him. As RUmike has pointed out to me, he was responsible for putting the link to my site on his “rutgers” page to begin with. Ironically, that link gave me a legitimacy in early 1999 which persuaded Canadian Humanist Publications (and other donors in the Humanist movement) to fund the publication of The Jesus Puzzle, so perhaps I actually owe Mahlon a lot. (I’m sure that will make him feel better.)

I have not changed a word or punctuation mark from the original posting, at least as I printed it out originally. I have decided to post this in two installments, because of its length. The second should follow in a day or two.

Quote:
As I said in yesterday’s posting to Yuri, I will make this my last lengthy message in this debate, since long discussions like this can be time-consuming (and hard on the reader, I realize). After this, I’ll try to limit myself to brief comments on specific points. But I want to discuss some of Mahlon’s last posting, not only in a further effort to clarify my own position, but because many of his arguments, as presented, contravene rules of logic, and in a debate of this nature such considerations are vitally important if one is to engage in rational (and hopefully polite) dialogue and to achieve rational conclusions from a study of the evidence.

First, however, let me address the question of “imprecision” which Mahlon raises. Perhaps he has a point, and in any case I will try to be more careful, but in informal debates like these over the net, one would assume (at least I did) that we would not get so nit-picking on questions of semantics. For example, it is very common to use the term “trial” to refer to what the Gospel Jesus underwent before Pilate, or even before whatever Jewish figures were involved in any given account, even if strictly speaking it was an “interrogation” or an “interview” or whatever precise term one thinks is applicable. When I used the term “early record”, I think it was pretty clear I meant the “documentary record”, the surviving pieces of writing produced by Christians. And so on. However, I will do my best to mend my imprecise ways.

Since I’ve brought up the subject of that “documentary record,” let’s look at what I said about it. I will agree with Mahlon that, possibly excepting the 7 “genuine” Pauline letters (assuming that genuineness, which not everyone does), the dating of early Christian writings is an inexact science. But looking at all the documents which, in addition to Paul, could reasonably be seen to belong to the first century, a fair consensus would probably place both Hebrews and James prior to the Jewish War, and possibly Jude as well. Colossians is placed shortly after the War, followed maybe a decade later by Ephesians. 2 Thessalonians and 1 Peter also tend to be dated in the last decade or two of the century. Add to them the Odes of Solomon and the Didache. The latter is usually seen as having elements that go back—perhaps as much as a couple of decades—into the first century, and a consensus on the former (if there is such a thing) is leaning toward placing it at the end of the first century (I prefer a little earlier dating). And let’s add Revelation to the pile, which gets the nod either for the mid 90’s, or else the late 60’s.

Nothing in any of these documents (as well as the 3 Johannine epistles, which many squeeze in before 100, including myself), gives any evidence of a trial and execution under Pilate—oops, sorry, interrogation. I think we could style all these documents (with Paul) as part of the “early documentary record”. Indeed, it is just about the entire record outside the Gospels. Depending on where we place Mark (traditional dating is in the 70s, though this has started to erode), and certainly where the other canonical Gospels are being dated these days (toward the end of the first or even into the second century), most of them precede those Gospels. Therefore, my statement that “the entire early record outside the Gospels, and most of it earlier than the Gospels, contains not a hint of Jesus’ trial and execution under Pilate,” is not a “sweeping generalization”, as Mahlon would style it, but is a perfectly legitimate statement. Nor is the extent of this record “an illusion”, “hot air”, or “empty rhetoric”. Statistically, it comprises the majority of all the surviving Christian documents of the first three-quarters of a century.

And how does Mahlon counter my statement? He says: “I do not concede, however, that ANY of these 8 works (he has admitted 8 of the above, Paul and Hebrews, to be prior to 70, though I would urge James on him as well, and perhaps—only perhaps—Jude and Revelation) was written prior to the source of the passion narrative that was used by the Synoptics, GJohn and GPeter.” The “source of the passion narrative”? What source is this? Where is Mahlon’s evidence (or even argument) that such a source existed. He is evidently postulating the existence of something which is not attested to anywhere, presumably in order to come up with something that ‘predates’ and counteracts my “early documentary record.” In the absence of any clear evidence of something put forward in an argument, some burden of proof must rest with the one who puts it forward. One can’t just assume it as a premise.

How does Mahlon try to justify this postulation, that a source of the passion narrative in all the known Gospels did in fact exist? He says: “The fact that a writer did not quote a work is not evidence that it did not exist.” As a bald statement, this is theoretically true. However, in the absence of any evidence that the item in question DID exist (beyond someone’s desire to have it so), such a claim is logically meaningless. Otherwise, one could use this sort of ‘reasoning’ to argue the existence of *anything*. In a situation where no one has any evidence that unicorns exist, it is not a logically meaningful statement to say that just because no one has recorded a sighting of one, this is not evidence that they don’t exist.

Mahlon then goes on to offer an analogy: “There are many books on Amazon.com that I don’t quote…but that does not permit me to claim that those books…don’t exist somewhere.” Absolutely true. But the “books on Amazon.com” DO exist, that’s a given in his statement, and everyone would accept that they do. They do because others have seen them and put them on the list, even if Mahlon personally hasn’t seen or quoted them. The statement as presented *defines* their existence. This is not the case in his claim about a document he calls “the source of the passion narrative.” No one can be demonstrated to have seen this document, its existence is supported by no available evidence, and it is the very thing which (in this paragraph at least) is under debate, making this a case of begging the question.

The final link in this chain of fallacies is the conclusion which ends the paragraph: “So the passion narrative could have circulated in some areas in Paul’s lifetime without him ever encountering it.” By this reasoning, so could a treatise anticipating Einstein and offering a theory of relativity. But if there’s no evidence that such a thing did circulate, is there any logical validity in making such a statement? Mahlon’s claim about a theoretical passion narrative is just as invalid. In fact, it withers in the face of the earliest record we DO have, which lacks any indication whatsoever not only of such a narrative but even of the historical events this hypothetical narrative is supposed to describe. By any standard, here we possess some demonstrable evidence (not proof, evidence) that no passion narrative DID exist in the time of Paul.

Mahlon enumerates 4 points as an “argument for the historicity of Jesus’ crucifixion under Pilate.” These are the first three:
1. Pontius Pilate was really governor of Roman occupied Judea.
2. He had a reputation for swift violent action to prevent insurrections.
3. Crucifixion was a Roman means of torture and execution designed to terrify subject peoples and punish insurrections.

I fail to see how this historical data contributes to the argument for the veracity of the Gospel crucifixion. It may argue for “crucifixions” per se by Pilate. It does not prove that one took place involving an historical Jesus. Here and elsewhere, Mahlon seems to be claiming that because the Gospels have incorporated these background features which can be shown to be accurate, this makes the story line in all its respects automatically true.

Every good historical novelist provides, as much as possible, an accurate and realistic setting for his story. This accuracy and realism prove nothing other than the novelist’s competence. If I set a novel with fictitious characters during WW2 and have the hero executed by an historically accurate Adolf Hitler, should someone come along later and declare my hero to have been historical? Mark and the other evangelists may very well have drawn on Josephus for some of their historical settings and the features they gave to their characters, but this proves nothing about the historicity of the interrogation and crucifixion of Jesus. And all of the Gospel writers adopting the same attitude toward Pilate, trying to absolve him of responsibility for the crucifixion, signifies nothing if they are all copying the one who first devised that plot line (and are all, moreover, motivated by anti-Jewish feelings).

Mahlon’s 4th point states:
4. All the gospels try to obscure these facts (nos. 1 to 3) by:
a. reporting that Jews demanded Jesus’ crucifixion &
b. reporting that Pilate tried to release Jesus but crucified him to pacify the Jews.

I assume that Mahlon’s point here is that the evangelists are portraying Pilate in a manner which runs counter to his known behavior, but what does this prove? First of all, his No. 4 is readily explainable as a plot device which serves the evangelists’ own agendas, especially their desire to demonize the Jews. It cannot be used as evidence that the story line is true. In fact, Mahlon has set up another contradiction here, in that he has offered certain historical data about Pilate (Nos. 1 to 3) as a means of proving the historicity of the Gospels, and then turned around and argued (No. 4) for that historicity on the grounds that the Gospels do NOT conform to that very data.

Indeed, the very fact that the evangelists’ portrayal runs so counter to what we know about Pilate very much argues *against* the historicity of that portrayal (Mahlon seems willing to admit this), placing the fundamental reliability of the evangelists under the deepest suspicion. Such a state of affairs hardly encourages one to rely on the historicity of the crucifixion of Jesus under Pilate, when these writers are the sole “witnesses” to such an event for almost a century after it supposedly took place.

Why introduce Pilate into the story line at all, Mahlon asks? He suggests that Festus, the Roman procurator around 60 CE, would have been a better setting for the crucifixion story, because it was more recent to Mark’s time; that Pilate’s time makes no sense if it wasn’t the actual historical time of Jesus’ death. But he hasn’t thought that one through. If, as Paul witnesses in Galatians and 1 Corinthians, the Jerusalem branch of Christianity arose roughly around 30 CE, this is squarely in the time of Pilate. Mark is obviously going to set his story at the same time as the earliest remembered phase of the faith, when the earliest known apostles of the Christ, like Paul and Peter, were becoming active. How could he possibly set his tale at the time of Festus, three decades later? That would be to set the pre-Pauline phase post-Paul. It is logically consistent that Mark is going to set his story of Jesus in that period from which he possesses the earliest traditions about the Christ-belief movement and the figures involved in it. Which is to say, during the governorship of Pontius Pilate—even if those traditions are not involved with Pilate, which the “early documentary record” would seem to indicate.
….to be continued….
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Old 06-16-2006, 09:46 AM   #139
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This is a misconception, or at least a distortion. I have never said that kata sarka means, literally, the sublunar realm, as though Paul uses it as a place name for some spiritual dimension below the moon. As Paul himself uses it, sarx is a term with a wide range of meaning. Kata with the accusative of that word can mean (among a lot of other things) “in the region of” or “in relation to,” which are two rather different applications. The first represents spatial aspect, and since the realm of “flesh” was synonymous with change and corruptibility, and encompassed even spiritual entities like the demons, it could be applied to the entire area below the moon; I maintain it could refer to a descending deity’s state or activity when he was in that area.
I am no expert in Greek, but the problem that I see is that kata is a weak spatial indicator. I find it telling that when C. K. Barrett, on pages 18-19 of his commentary on Romans (in this case verses 1:1-5), translates kata as "in the sphere of," he uses "sphere" in a very abstract sense, rather than in the sense of a concrete region of space or a particular territory. Certainly when Barrett uses the phrase "in the sphere of the Holy Spirit," he does not mean that the Holy Spirit is confined to a certain region of space. Yet when speaking of spheres in a Middle Platonic sense, e.g. the realms below or above the lunar sphere, the concrete spatial sense is what is meant. The Middle Platonists understood the spheres as a real physical part of the world. (This, BTW, implies that your use of Bartlett is wrong.)

I also find it telling that you need to write, "As Paul himself uses it, sarx is a term with a wide range of meaning." Under your scheme, Paul uses kata sarka in radically different ways. He either means "in the realm of fleshly spirits," or if the previous meaning is obviously absurd in context, he means "according to the flesh" in one of the more traditional senses. This might make sense if the verses where you translated kata sarka as "in the realm of fleshly spirits" made better sense than if the more common translation of kata sarka were used, but they don't. Unless there is a compelling reason beforehand to believe that Paul meant "in the realm of fleshly spirits" when he wrote kata sarka, it is more parsimonious to conclude that Paul used kata sarka with roughly the same meaning throughout.

Quote:
Originally Posted by EarlDoherty
If he did regard Jesus as a descending deity who stopped short of the surface of the earth, how else would he have expressed the nature he assumed, and the effects he had on, humanity and the human realm?
He might have actually said that Jesus stopped short of the earth! Or at least mentioned that he was above the earth? It is ironic that you tout Paul's silence about Jesus' purported history, yet Paul is at least as silent about your supposed Middle Platonic scheme.
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Old 06-16-2006, 10:13 AM   #140
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If xianity is primarily a magical alchemic religion

Quote:
the realm of fleshly spirits
is the correct translation.

As there were several heresies on this point I would go with it!

(Has anyone here looked at http://www.egodeath.com/drewshistorymythiconlyjesus.htm ?)
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