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Old 06-29-2008, 05:47 PM   #41
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Sort of. But in an indirect way they do provide evidence that Marcion did think that there were at least 2 versions of Luke that had existed . . .
JW:
Ahem. Tertullian, even though he was a very little man, seems to be our best source on Marcion as he was close to Irenaeus and wrote in detail on the subject. The starting point for this investigation should be Attribution of usage because that is the simplest and most direct category. Trying to determine attribution based on what you think Tyson thinks Tertullian thought, is [understatement] inefficient [/understatement]. We need to start here with extant Tertullian. Of course Tertullian lacks credibility and his testimony requires huge discounts but it looks to be the best source we have on the subject.

If you try and trek through the Internet you will see lots of discussion on the subject which misapplies what Tertullian has to say about "Marcionites" of his time to Marcion. Let's try and look at Tertullian's "testimony" as to Marcion's attribution of "Luke":

http://www.earlychristianwritings.co...ullian124.html

. . . . .


So far, all Tertullian says on the subject of Marcion attribution of "Luke" is that he did not ascribe a name to authorship. We can see above that all of Tertullian's attributions of names are likely wrong. Therefore, at this point, Point Marcion! Score:

Marcion 3:15

Tertullian Love
What are you talking about? I'm not sure that you read more than one line of my post. At least I cannot relate any of your post to anything I have said or think about the subject. Can you explain your point without any presuppositions about what you think I should understand?

And you would be nice if you could do it without the supercilious condescension (no idea how or why i provoked that in you), but that would be an optional extra.

Neil Godfrey

P.S. -- just one more thing, do please explain your grounds for the following put-down of yours:
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Trying to determine attribution based on what you think Tyson thinks Tertullian thought, is [understatement] inefficient [/understatement].
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Old 06-29-2008, 05:51 PM   #42
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Tertullian claims that in Antitheses Marcion acknowledged that he was aware of another Gospel. Tertullian assumes/concludes that this other Gospel was orthodox "Luke". Was it "Luke" or maybe "Mark"? Neil?

We also have two Attribution issues:

1) Who did each side attribute "Luke" to?

Here Marcion wins because it is likely that the orthodox have a False attribution to a Partner of Paul.

2) Who was the earliest identified attributed user?

Marcion wins again as Tertullian does not identify anyone earlier than Marcion who used "Luke" unless you can conclude from the above that Marcion used orthodox "Luke" before he used Marcion "Luke". Neil?
It might help if you summed up exactly what you think my argument is that you are apparently refuting and sum up your own refutation too. How the passages you cite from Tertullian is (presumably) meant to counter the argument I was proposing completely escapes me. And the point of your commentary to what I was saying escapes me too. Maybe you are not approaching me with sufficient condescension and need to spell it out even more clearly.


Neil

P.S. Is there anyone who would like to discuss this topic in a good-natured and even kind of professional way?
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Old 06-30-2008, 06:05 AM   #43
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The from heaven portion appears very clearly to me to be interpretation of the actual text, which must have simply read: [Jesus] came down into Capernaum, a city of Galilee. I think Tertullian is saying that Marcion interpreted came down as a descent from heaven, not that the text itself had anything explicitly about heaven.

Ben.
Thanks for that, Ben. It looks like my argument won't fly.
You are welcome. It was well worth a shot.

Ben.
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Old 06-30-2008, 06:33 AM   #44
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I meant I'd be happy to discuss specific questions by drawing on Tyson's work, as I did with another post here by JoeW. But to present the details all here would simply be too much work.
I see.

I have read most of those before; what I was hoping was that you would present a few tidbits from them on this thread as a sort of third proposal. Turns out you did post some, and for that I thank you.

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The list demonstrates that the whole story is make believe.
I do not think it does, though I agree readily that it may cast doubt on some of the details (many of which were already doubtful for other reasons).

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There is nothing distinctive from the real world. Everything is drawn from known literary images.
I think this is exaggeration. Unless your list is severely truncated or abbreviated.

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Like the Passion being drawn from OT allusions.
Likewise, there are elements of the passion story that are not drawn from OT allusions.

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Sure those can be used to embellish an otherwise historical account, but if once we strip away those embellishments there is no core of historical account left, then we are left with nothing but a made up tale.
Again, I think this is accomplished only with exaggeration and guilt by association. How, for example, do you remove all the details of Acts 27.6-8 in the manner you suggest?

Let me be clear here. It is possible these details derive from novelistic concerns; good details make for good stories. But your claim seems to be that, once we have compared Acts with the epic literature and stripped away everything that lines up as a parallel, there is nothing left, not even incidental details of this kind.

If that is not what you are really claiming, then I think the language you used is misleading; if that is what you are really claiming, then I think you are mistaken.

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The list is definitely relevant because it clarifies the literary as opposed to historical context of the "we" references.
I think this is the source of our disagreement; you write of the literary as opposed to historical context, as if they were mutually exclusive, and in my view they are not. History is a form of literature; historians are allowed to write literarily and allude to other literature in their histories.

Let me point out something else about the we passages in Acts. I have casually searched for parallels for this anonymous first person usage in ancient literature, so far without exact results. The ancient writers tend to name themselves at some point (the I Porphyry, for example, in the Life of Plotinus); or at least they are more specific as to the nature of their participation. However, so far I have found this to be the case in the ancient novels and romances, too. Am I right?

IOW, if the first person plural narration (not forgetting the first person singular prologue, however) does not exactly match the practice as we find it in the ancient histories, encomia, and biographies, does it exactly match the practice as we find it in the ancient novels and romances? So far it does not appear to me to be so.

If the phenomenon we find in Acts does not precisely match any of the ancient genre markers, where does that leave us? I think we are left with the usual meaning of the first person; the only reason an author would not need to use genre markers is because he is using the first person in its usual sense, as an indication that he participated in the events being narrated.

I welcome being proven wrong on this score; I really do. If there is an exact parallel out there to this apparently anonymous first person collective narration from antiquity, I would love to see it, be it from the novels, from the romances, from the histories, from the biographies, or from the epics. Robbins tried to provide some; and I think he failed to do so.

Ben.
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Old 06-30-2008, 06:37 AM   #45
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[T]hese passages imply that Acts was written by a sometime companion of Paul....
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No they don't. They indicate that the author was following a standard formula used for fiction at the time....
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Originally Posted by Ben C Smith
Did you read the review by Kirby?
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No, but then again, neither have I read Robbins. I merely presented Price's support of it.
You mean you corrected my statement on the basis of an article you have never read? Not only the reviews of it, but indeed the article itself??

Ben.
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Old 06-30-2008, 06:41 AM   #46
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You mean you corrected my statement on the basis of an article you have never read? Not only the reviews of it, but indeed the article itself??
Yes. I rest on authority occasionally (this time RM Price), until shown to have been unwise.
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Old 06-30-2008, 06:57 AM   #47
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You mean you corrected my statement on the basis of an article you have never read? Not only the reviews of it, but indeed the article itself??
Yes. I rest on authority occasionally (this time RM Price), until shown to have been unwise.
Well, so do I sometimes, but I like to mark those occasions as such. You seemed so... definite (no they don't).

Ben.
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Old 06-30-2008, 07:14 AM   #48
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Yes. I rest on authority occasionally (this time RM Price), until shown to have been unwise.
Well, so do I sometimes, but I like to mark those occasions as such. You seemed so... definite (no they don't).

Ben.
I guess you missed the parenthetical, where I thought I had made it clear I was resting on Price.

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(per RM Price in The Pre-Nicene New Testament, pg 605 of 2006 hardback edition).
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Old 06-30-2008, 07:29 AM   #49
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Well, so do I sometimes, but I like to mark those occasions as such. You seemed so... definite (no they don't).

Ben.
I guess you missed the parenthetical, where I thought I had made it clear I was resting on Price.

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Originally Posted by spamandham
(per RM Price in The Pre-Nicene New Testament, pg 605 of 2006 hardback edition).
No, I saw that parentheses. I did not interpret it as your sole source for the assertion; I interpreted it as support for it.

Ben.
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Old 06-30-2008, 06:20 PM   #50
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[QUOTE=Ben C Smith;5421454]
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The list is definitely relevant because it clarifies the literary as opposed to historical context of the "we" references.
I think this is the source of our disagreement; you write of the literary as opposed to historical context, as if they were mutually exclusive, and in my view they are not. History is a form of literature; historians are allowed to write literarily and allude to other literature in their histories.
I think you are right. By historical context I mean the reality of events outside the text itself. By literary context, I mean nothing more than the words within the page of the text. And the author of those words is again another entity entirely. I'm thinking of how authors necessarily project through a literary persona, or a literary voice. That voice, then, is the expression not of the real person, but of the "implied narrator" projected by the real person. Now it may happen that the meaning of the words in the text really do coincide with the historical reality outside the text, but we need independent evidence to confirm that. We can't assume it from the internal evidence of the text alone. The text alone is only evidence of itself, not of anything external to it. It only becomes evidence of something external to it (history) if there is some external control that allows us to interpret it as such. So we have archaeological and other contemporary literary texts (primary evidence) that give us some confidence that Julius Caesar's memoirs of his Gallic wars are by and large what they claim to be. But we have no external primary evidence to give us any confidence that any of the text of Acts is what it claims to be. Without primary evidence there is simply a lot of "history" that we simply cannot do for ancient times. We can't change the rules and give ancient history special allowances because justifiable historical methods (starting with primary evidence) can't get a foothold in many topics that we'd like to know about there. Acts is primary evidence of something, but not of the events it relates. It is primary evidence of its own provenance. We don't know what that was for sure. So the best we can do is put Acts under a microscope and attempt to analyse exactly what it is, and then consider those findings against the first layers of texts we find testifying to its existence.

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Let me point out something else about the we passages in Acts. I have casually searched for parallels for this anonymous first person usage in ancient literature, so far without exact results. The ancient writers tend to name themselves at some point (the I Porphyry, for example, in the Life of Plotinus); or at least they are more specific as to the nature of their participation. However, so far I have found this to be the case in the ancient novels and romances, too. Am I right?

IOW, if the first person plural narration (not forgetting the first person singular prologue, however) does not exactly match the practice as we find it in the ancient histories, encomia, and biographies, does it exactly match the practice as we find it in the ancient novels and romances? So far it does not appear to me to be so.

If the phenomenon we find in Acts does not precisely match any of the ancient genre markers, where does that leave us? I think we are left with the usual meaning of the first person; the only reason an author would not need to use genre markers is because he is using the first person in its usual sense, as an indication that he participated in the events being narrated.
If we don't have a precedent, and can't match something to anything else we know, then we cannot arbitrarily decide to give it any specific meaning at all. It is just as valid to say we are left with the usual meaning, a first person of an implied narrator, regardless of the extent to which that implied narrator coincides with a real person and external history. In fact, rhetorical analysis means the "we" in Acts must necessarily refer to the implied narrator. All narratives are spoken through a voice of an implied narrator. That's the very nature of narrative literature. It is another question whether that voice and implied narrator expresses the historical experiences of the real narrator external to the text. It may do, but we need external controls to assess that. The narrative alone can't do it for us.

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I welcome being proven wrong on this score; I really do. If there is an exact parallel out there to this apparently anonymous first person collective narration from antiquity, I would love to see it, be it from the novels, from the romances, from the histories, from the biographies, or from the epics. Robbins tried to provide some; and I think he failed to do so.

Ben.
I think our differences arise over how we understand and approach literary texts. A naive reading of a text (naive in the technical sense -- I'm not meaning to be pejorative at all) requires as much justification as any other kind of reading of it. I see no justification for any default position (such as a naive reading) in the absence of any external controls relating to a text. The self-attestation of texts, especially ancient texts, has proven unreliable in too many cases.

So when I speak of the literary context of "we" I am purposefully distinguishing it from historical context. The only evidence we have available to us for the identity of "we" is the text itself, the voice of the implied narrator. Pending further evidence (external to the text), all we can come to understand about the meaning and identity of "we" can only come from within the text itself.

Neil
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