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07-27-2005, 05:53 PM | #301 | |
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07-27-2005, 10:10 PM | #302 | ||
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Indeed, the agreement in fiction goes beyond their reference to Jesus's bogus home town made in the same Q context between the temptations and the sermon,* but extends to an agreement in spelling for that town--a spelling that varied considerably in early Christian literature. I suppose that it is always "possible" that the writers of Matthew and Luke independently conceived of the same back-formation from "Nazarene," but, as a general matter, I prefer not to rely too much on multiple coincidences for my conclusions. In fact, it is particularly difficult to do so here since the spelling of this back-formation either did not occur to or did not impress the writers of Matt 21:11; Luke 1:26, 2:4, 39, 51; John 1:45, 46; and Acts 10:38. (For a table summarizing the evidence, please see an old post on my blog.) This is just the kind of literary evidence that points to some kind of a documentary interrelationship between Matthew and Luke here that cannot be explained by their common use of Mark. Under the Mark-Q (Two-Source) theory, such an agreement would have to be in Q. Under the Farrer theory, which dispenses with the need for Q, it would belong to Matthew. Granted, the Farrer theory may eventually win over the academy, but it is not there yet. Stephen * Let me address your counter-argument here: Quote:
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07-28-2005, 10:55 AM | #303 | ||||||||
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07-28-2005, 04:01 PM | #304 | ||
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I do call the author Luke for convenience--but this implies nothing whatever about which Luke this is, companion of Paul or otherwise. I think it is more likely (if likely at all) that the author of Luke-Acts used a source who was a companion of Paul's, but only for certain sections of the narrative, which were of such a nature as not to mention Jesus enough to raise eyebrows in a historicist, even though this source would be a mythicist. For example, scholars who have examined the evidence observe that the vocabulary and content of the first-person sections suggest this person was part of a ship's crew, not a doctor--although this opens the possibility that Luke the Doctor was a ship's doctor, and if this is the guy who also preserved the official letter of Claudius Lysias, we could even have someone who had been at one time in the service of the Roman navy as a military maritime doctor. But even so (and this heaps up speculations too high I think), this would still be a source used by the author Luke, and not the actual author of Luke-Acts. And since I am otherwise fairly convinced that Luke used some genuine sources for Acts, who mostly could only have been previous Christians, I have no personal difficulty accounting for Luke being a historicist but (some or all of) his sources not being so. In fact, the fact that Luke appears to have used some real historical sources for Acts (for all the reasons I've said before and still more I've not mentioned), but we have equally strong reasons to believe he did not for the Gospel (neither Mark nor Q were histories, and what Luke adds to them is either dogmatic, the product of plausible reasoning, or overtly mythical in content, e.g. the Emmaus narrative and the Nativity) is itself something that adds to E which mythicism predicts but that historicism does not make as likely (e.g. it means Luke had history to use for constructing Acts, but not for the life of Jesus). RE: seemingly mythicist 2nd century apologists compatible with their believing in historical Jesus Quote:
Instead, the reason I allow that the particular 2nd century apologists we are talking about could have believed in a historical Jesus is that we already have decisive evidence that such a belief existed and was so widespread that they couldn't possibly not know of it. And that entails that either they didn't care whether it was true, or all their attacks against or rejections of it were edited or selected out of the surviving record. Either is possible, BTW, thus we are at 50/50, which gives no comfort to a historicist. But this is an evidential circumstance not shared by Paul. For example, we have some small probability (not at all a certainty--especially given the Orthodox bias in the editing and selection of sources to preserve) of expecting these later guys to discuss the point, if in fact they were reacting to or rejecting a historicist alternative almost certainly known to them. But even without that expectation, this is still a situation Paul would not be in, since there would be in his day no such belief to reject or counter--or even to ignore--and therefore no basis for assuming he was familiar with such a belief, unlike the case of the 2nd century apologists. BTW, this issue of selection bias is a serious one, IMO, and not to be taken lightly. One can point out numerous problems it has raised. But one that is often overlooked is the curious omission from Paul's correspondence: I do seriously wonder what happened to Paul's actual first letter to the Corinthians (1 Cor. 5:9). Why was that not preserved? Did it, perhaps, say something orthodoxists didn't want anyone to hear and thus was deliberately suppressed? Or was it that, because they didn't believe he could say something he said in it, they assumed it was a forgery, even though in fact genuine, and therefore didn't preserve it? I seriously doubt the reason can be mere accident or trivial fancy--two lengthy and detailed letters to the same congregation are meticulously preserved and form the cornerstone of his opus, yet somehow the first letter that started it all was overlooked entirely? This is surely very improbable. But then what is the reason for its disappearance? I'm not sure where we can go with that, and it doesn't actually prove anything, but it does entail some significant suspicion against the source record. We are deliberately not being told the whole story--which entails that the story we have been told is not the true story. Conclude from that what you will. Okay, I'm going to close out from here and leave the thread, since unfortunately I haven't time to continue further, at least not for a good while. Carry on, soldiers. |
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07-28-2005, 07:52 PM | #305 |
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Thanks Richard. I read your entire reply with great interest, and it definitely addressed my questions. Thanks again,
ted |
07-29-2005, 08:40 AM | #306 | ||
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My interest in this is to identify when Christians started to "get Paul wrong". At some stage, Paul's transmission of a mystical Christ got misinterpreted. But if a form of Middle Platonism that supported such beliefs existed at that time, what would have caused this shift? You suggested that persecutions thinned out the numbers of Christians, to allow a historical Christ belief to emerge. But that seems to presuppose a trend toward historicity in the first place. But is there any evidence of such a trend? Paul supposedly taught to (or at least wrote to) Antioch and Rome, amongst others. We see Ignatius from Antioch emerge with a belief in a historical Christ, and Tacitus refer to a historical Christ, coming out of those places. If Paul lived to 60 CE, then it only gives a couple of generations (maybe even one) before the belief in historicity emerge. There may have been reasons why they 'got Paul wrong', but I just don't see it, I'm afraid. Quote:
Anyway, Richard, I've enjoyed reading your articles to date, and look forward to reading whatever you find out! Most of us here are amateurs, so it's good to have a real historian investigating this interesting topic. |
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07-30-2005, 10:54 AM | #307 |
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Correction on my last post to SC Carlson:
I was shooting from the hip over Mt 21:11, working from memory and had confused 21:11 with a reference to nazwraios in 26:71, part of the denial scene. Please forget my comments on the matter. 21:11 is purely in the material only found in Mt and is an expansion of Mk 11:11a. It is by its nature part of the later strata of gospel material. Still, the rhetoric about the "unusual spelling" serves for no purpose. --o0o-- I should introduce the fact that there are actually two spellings for Nazareth, beside the form Nazara: NazareQ and Nazaret. These are normally differentiated by manuscript source, ie the Alexandrian uses the former and the "Byzantine" uses the latter. In two places this is not the case: 1. Mk 1:9, which just has Nazaret, and 2. Mt 2:23, which mainly has Nazaret, but has early witness to Nazara as well. The fact that the Alexandrian text has Nazaret instead of NazareQ at these points suggests late addition to, or manipulation of, the text, ie after the differentiation of the two basic text traditions. (If anyone has full details of the textual differentiation -- eg in NA -- between the various forms, Nazara/Nazaret/Nazareth/Nazarene/Nazorean, I'd be happy for the details. When I restabilise I'll have to do something about this deficiency.) spin |
07-30-2005, 04:07 PM | #308 | ||
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It's safe to assume that Paul didn't 'get Paul wrong', so Christianity up to 60 CE was mythical (unless you want to claim that historicizing began before then). From what you wrote above, it seems that you are placing the 'got Paul wrong' line at some point after 70 CE. Are there any examples of mythicist writings from after that period, in your opinion? Or does mythicism start and end with Paul? You'll note in another thread that it's claimed that early Christian persecution wasn't as bad as early Christians put out. If mythicism survived after 70 CE, then what was the motivation towards historicity after that time? IMHO there seems to be an unstated assumption to Doherty's and your idea above that "remove the people in the know and those that remain will historicize their narratives". But can we assume that, in an era that continued to be dominated by mystery religions and 'mystery' ideas, this would be the case? Mystery religions existed at least to the time of Celsus, who had no problems describing Jesus as a sorceror and 'juggler', and the son of a Roman soldier. Anyway, I hope you'll see the importance of trying to determine the latest date that people 'got Paul right' and the earliest date that they 'got Paul wrong'. I think that no matter where you place those dates, there are problems. Not that this necessarily makes it wrong, but it does make it harder to respond to. AFAICS, there is no reasonable way to respond to Doherty until a reasonable case has been established. Part of that case has to be determining when and why people started to 'get Paul wrong'. |
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07-30-2005, 05:22 PM | #309 | |
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08-01-2005, 10:19 AM | #310 | |
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