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#171 | |
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It is accepted by most but not all scholars that the Latin of Bezae is not simply a fresh translation of the Greek of Bezae but was influenced by the preexisting Old Latin textual tradition. This Old Latin tradition is almost certainly ultimately dependent on the Greek text but on an earlier form than that represented by the Greek of Bezae. (The earliest ascertainable version of the Old Latin NT shows strong signs of being a translation from Greek both in vocabulary and grammar.) Andrew Criddle |
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#172 | |
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See also the illustrations in that note. Just keep lying by omission it certainly is an effective manner of contortion. Concerning the "crucifixion". As late as 325 AD, the time of the Council of Nicaea, there was no talk of crucifixion and neither of Pontius Pilatus in the creed, only that he had suffered: pathonta, passus est. Only with the following Nicaeno-Constantinopolitanum, 381, both appear. For those familiar with the Quran there is also a passage there concerning the "crucifixion" of Jesus. In Sura 4, verse 157 it says: “… And they did not crucify him, but a simulacrum, an effigy, was made of him. And those who differ therein are full of doubts, with no (certain) knowledge, but only conjecture to follow…�? But you certainly will "refute" those too, by mangling the text or displaying more of your sophistry. |
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#173 | |
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It is painfully clear that only a fragile web of largely unsubstantited speculation supports Carotta's claim that Caesar's effigy was displayed on a cross-shaped tropaeum in a position of crucifixion. He has no actual evidence for the claim. |
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#174 | ||
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However the early Western creeds have more details. In the Apostolic Tradition chapter 21 the declaratory baptismal creed (which is probably that in use in Rome about 250 CE) has Quote:
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#175 | |
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Why? In the West Cyprian (Carthage) A.D. 250 and Novatian (Rome) A.D. 250 - why does he not have it when it was "probably in use in Rome about 250 CE" - know nothing about it either. Isn't that strange? |
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#176 | ||||||||
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![]() I don't think Carotta says "IT WAS DEFINITELY THIS SHAPE" etc. The process of his thinking (in my understanding/remembrance), is that he says: if his theory is true, then we should find some object or factor in the story of Caesar's funeral that could be misunderstood as, or could have morphed into, that rather important Christian symbol we all know: the cross. He ends up finding the tropaeum. He then recounts what he discovers when he pursues this hunch. IIRC, this is how much of the book goes. I find it to be a plausible way of approaching the complexity of what is involved. Quote:
He uses numismatic evidence (there are pictures in the chapter) as well as images from statues. (the breastplates on some statues have images on them)... btw, I found this image online: http://www.severusalexander.com/images/milne3166.jpg If you remove the shields and the armor, it sure seems that underneath would be found a wooden cross-shaped structure. It seems logical to assume that such a structure is the basic shape that most wooden tropaeums would have had, and on this would be attached the armor. Or in the case of Caesar's funeral, the wax replica of his stabbed body. Quote:
Also, if it represents a 'very early' form of tropaeum, it still is a tropaeum; and if it is earlier than Caesar, then a later tropaeum of Caesar's time would certainly be influenced by the tradition that influenced this shape... Really, this kind of 'criticism' doesn't seem to be in the spirit of seeking a better understanding. Quote:
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![]() Good gracious. Hey, I'm just a guy who read a book and I was very intrigued by what it said. If you honestly desire to know the answers to such questions, you better not ask me. I never claimed to be an expert on tropaeums! But at least I read the book, and I DON'T attack someone else's book until I have read it, and formed my opinions after giving the author that chance to 'speak' to me directly. Quote:
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![]() Well, I honestly think Carotta is on to something. He does speculate, but he does provide a lot of explanations for what he bases them on. When I try to look through the book in an attempt to answer a lot of the objections raised here, it seems such a daunting task. Perhaps it is the way in which Carotta recounts his discoveries, or perhaps it is just the nature of what he has found that makes things so difficult. I wish I had more time to explain at the moment... |
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#177 | |
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By a "web of largely unsubstantiated speculation" you probably mean, e.g. the fact that Jesus is never depicted as a crucified one during the first millenium, never hanging but always shown as if standing on the cross. And if you want to expose a body showing the wounds on it, especially the mortal one in the side - "of all the many stab wounds according the judgement of Antistius, his personal physician, only one was mortal, namely the second, which he took in his chest" (Suet. Div Jul. 82) - you will certainly lash it with its arms down to the sides on a single pole. Does that make sense? Isn't it easier and the natural position to affix a man with his arms outstretched. What kind of evidence (there are umpteen coins with a cruciform tropaeum and an armor attached to it) do you want? A photograph perhaps? |
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#178 | |||
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Ameleq13 has responded to most of the substantive implications of Juliana's post, so I'll just respond to his weak attempts at invective.
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A bloody tropaeum is not a bloody cross, despite Carotta's limp attempt to make it so by conflating the two sources he uses and then by assuming that the only way the wax figure could be seen from all angles is to hang it off a bloody tropaeum. Suetonius, who talks about a tropaeum on which the robe was placed, knows nothing about a wax figure, though he in his position had access to the city's records and liked the juicier details such as this wax figure would have been. That Appian talks about a wax figure seems merely to be dramatic embellishment post Suetonius. Quote:
Love it: "lying by omission"! Carotta has happily omitted the fact that Suetonius knows nothing about the effigy and allows his readers to assume that the two accounts provide ostensibly similar data. Hypocrisy comes easily with you, doesn't it Juliana, my dear? Quote:
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#179 | ||||
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Remember that the tropaeum was only in Suetonius's account and was used to drape Caesar's blood-stained robe on. Appian has a totally different story: Antonius "lifted his robe on the point of a spear and shook it aloft, pierced with dagger-thrusts and red with the dictator's blood", so there is no tropaeum in the Appian version. The two accounts do not concur in the facts Carotta is trying to deal with, so he has conflated them, as a christian apologist conflates the contrary birth narratives. Quote:
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#180 | |||||||||||||
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Even if we assume, for the sake of argument, that they sometimes took a cross shape, there still seems to be no good reason to assume that the one displaying Caesar's effigy took that shape. For all we know, it took the form of an actual, uprooted tree or a single spear shaft or a more complex rack. Quote:
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