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03-19-2007, 09:11 AM | #111 | |
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Do you have any evidence that they did? JG |
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03-19-2007, 09:12 AM | #112 |
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Asking for primary texts is a bit of a staple on this forum. Not surprising, since its name is BC&H, and historians like texts. But when it comes to mythology--and certainly primitive mythology--we are not always dealing with history but often more with what one might call paleo-anthropology. There texts are much less of a given. One sometimes has to go to the extent of looking at current "primitive" cultures and then extrapolate back to the assumed past. Or dig up artifacts and draw conclusions from them. For example, from finds and excavations it appears that Neanderthals (200,000 BCE) had ritual burial practices, and from this it is inferred that they had some some form of religion.
Is, in your view, that whole field invalid, and do only the few bits that we can retrieve from actual texts count? Gerard Stafleu |
03-19-2007, 09:18 AM | #113 | |
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03-19-2007, 09:30 AM | #114 | |
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03-19-2007, 09:46 AM | #115 | |||
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I take that back. Jeffrey Gibson and I have both ventured to point out a few primary texts that may well parallel the birth narratives. As I recall, when I suggested one of those primary texts, Judges 13, the connection was greeted rather coolly. But, just to keep us on track, what is wrong with the following scenario? 1. Augustus is reputed to have been born of a god. This motif is not uncommon in antiquity (Alexander is given a similar birth, for example; see Plutarch, Life of Alexander). 2. The gospel tradents, right from the beginning, set up Jesus as an alternate to the Roman imperial cult. This can be shown by the rich overlap of terminology and conceptual imagery between imperial propaganda (especially Augustan) and Christian tradition (my concrete example is the Priene inscription, but there are certainly others; see Deissmann, Light from the Ancient East and Evans, Commentary on Mark 8.27-16.20). 3. Since it was customary to give your preferred savior a miraculous birth, and since Augustus was given one, the gospel tradents decided to give one to Jesus. To do so, they mined their usual materials, to wit, the Hebrew scriptures. From the LXX version of Isaiah 7.14 somebody got the idea for a virgin birth, and from Judges 13 somebody got much of the structure of the narrative. Other parts of the OT contributed features, too (the endangerment of Jesus as a child in Matthew, for example, may have been inspired by the endangerment of Moses as a child), along with very general Jewish and Greco-Roman ideas about what a fitting birth should look like. Not that I am absolutely committing to such a scenario, but is there anything missing in it? What is so inexplicable about the birth narratives in terms of using the OT to counter imperial dogma that we would have to go looking for other parallels? (This is not an invitation to call off the search; if some ancient myth explains the narratives better than the OT and imperial propaganda, I want to know about it!) Ben. |
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03-19-2007, 10:37 AM | #116 | |
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03-19-2007, 11:48 AM | #117 | |||||||||
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BTW, Paul used to say 'night and day' did I labour (1 Th 2:9), 'night and day' did I pray (1 Th 3:10)...'nuktos kai hemeras'. Mark (4:27) takes up the Pauline inversion of a common Greek idiom. Haenchen assures me that LXX has almost always the day first. Any idea where that speech habit comes from ? Was there any known stylistic or cognitive point in that inversion ? Jiri |
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03-19-2007, 11:55 AM | #118 | |||
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03-19-2007, 01:30 PM | #119 | ||
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1) Do you agree that Sanhedrin did not sit after sundown and on the eve of a festival ? if yes then, 2) did Mark likely know it ? if yes, skip to 5. 3) if Mark did not know the Jewish legal procedure he would have imagined the customs of Jewish legal procedure as parallel to the one he was familiar with (assume Roman). True or false. if True, 4) how likely is it that Mark knew of a single session of a Roman court which lasted the whole night ? if very, very unlikely 5) how likely is then that Mark meant the trial taking place at night allegorically, if likely, 6) how close would you say the usage of robber (lestes) and thief (kleptes) in the early Christian sayings, if close, 7) then would you not find it ironic that the one whose day is known to come "as a thief in the night" gets arrested as a robber at night and tried in an imaginary night court ? Let me know where I lost you Jiri |
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03-19-2007, 05:26 PM | #120 |
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Somewhere between 1 and 5. There are too many alternate possibilities at each step of the way to make this exercise, which reminds me a bit too painfully of a tax form, very meaningful.
Granted that a Sanhedrin trial at night is illegal, for example, there is still nothing automatically forbidding a secret, one-off, informal meeting being expanded into a fullblown trial by the time Mark gets hold of it. Your step by step process simply assumes that Mark is the one in control here. That may be, but what if he got the story from tradition, and other tradents were responsible for the shape of the account? As for the connection between the thief in the night and coming out to Jesus as if against a thief, I am of the opinion that Mark preceded Matthew and Luke. If Mark intended such a connection, why did he fail to give the saying about the thief in the night? If either Matthew or Luke intended it, why did they use different terms for the thief? I find this kind of alleged connection extraordinarily unpersuasive. Ben. |
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