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Starting here: Even Archaeoastronomers can not conclusively link Egyptian dynasties with celestial occurances with certainty. If you are looking at the 1375 BC eclipse, be wary. As noted in Sawer and Stephenson 1970 ("Literary and Astronomical Evidence for a Total Eclipse of the Sun Observed in Ancient Ugarit on 3 May 1375 B. C.", by J. F. A. Sawyer; F. R. Stephenson, Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London © 1970), this should be noted that the date of the Ugritic recording of the eclipse may have actually come from 1365 BC instead. Also, due to the lack of other Ugritic astronomical infromation, there is the possibility that the 'eclipse' was actually due to a dust-storm and -not- a celestial event at all.
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Matters not. Rohl wanted to apply this to year 12 of Akhenaten. If it is purely circumstantial, then ignore it. But if you apply Egyptian influence, where "B++" is simply a reference to "sixth hour" then only 1375BCE can be considered here. The text was charred and a fire in the palace was reported to Akhenaten. That's the very loose and circumstantial connection. Since it's the only "liver reading/eclipse" text found, it's reasonable to presume it had only current interest and was not an astronomical text reference that might have been filed in an archive. If that's the case, then the fire explains not only its uniqueness but its preservation. That being said, we can presume that the eclipse dates the fire. So some fire happened in 1375BCE. If this was the same fire reported to Akhenaten, which it could have been, then some scenario in relation to the reign of Akhenaten's 18-year rule would have to include a 1375BCE dating. Rohl's choice based on whatevere was to date this to year 12. I suppose any year would do but just taking the popular dating that would date the 1st of Akhenaten to 1386BCE. That date is simply compared to other dating, such as Kenyon's dating for the fall of Jericho in 1350-1325BCE with fits this general period.
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As such then, I'd like to hold back on making this a firm part of the arguemnt so far. As much as there is literary evidence, it is hardly firm.
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That's fine. This is totally circumstantial anyway, but as long as you know that this text, IF applied occurs in 1375BCE. That's the only eclipse that occurs between 5-6 a.m.
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I would like to point out that Manetho is dealing with time periods of history easily 600 years older than himself. Syncellus was 1600 years or more removed from such events. And they were working off of older records. Now, the fact that Manetho's work really only exists through Josephus, and Syncellus was basically working off of other histories, some of which had been, shall we say, embelished. Thus again, as -fact- we have to be suspect of this too.
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Not significant because Egyptologists use Manetho to establish the dating for the dynasties. You want to throw out Manetho as a total hoax. Be my guest. But Egyptologists will have little critical references for any timeline they use. Thus the critical reference for Manetho is that he is the reference used by Egyptologists. I'm only referencing him after the fact. If there is a superior reference, then fine. But you can't establish a critical timeline used by Egyptologists based on Manetho and then decide not to use him as a valid reference after the fact. Thus regardless of when he occurs, he becomes "relevant" because of Egyptologist use and endorsement more than anything else.
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One might note that Kenyon noted that the walls of Jericho had collapsed and been rebuilt several times (Excavations at Jericho, by Kathleen M. Kenyon
The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland © 1954). Also, during her tenure in the Middle-East doing archaeology, C-14 dating was no-where near as accurate as it is now and her excavations at Jericho ended in 1958. She was interested in the Natufian stuff, origins of civilization - in the range of 9200-6000 BC - not Biblical matters. This is all nicely summarized and explained in Bar-Yosef's article (The Walls of Jericho: An Alternative Interpretation, by O. Bar-Yosef, Current Anthropology © 1986), which also point out that, dating aside, it appears that the walls of Jericho were not for defense from human (or supernatural) enemies, but from flood waters.
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Interesting information, thanks!!!
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Or, did you mean Garstang's 1941 ("The Story of Jericho: Further Light on the Biblical Narrative", John Garstang, The American Journal of Semitic Languages and Literatures, Vol. 58, No. 4. (Oct., 1941), pp. 368-372.) findings (that were reinterpreted by Kenyon's later pottery studies) which stated:
This, unfortunately undermines your whole tie with Amenhotep III, especially when Kenyon's work pushes the final date of the destruction of Jericho -farther- back into time. Where does your 40 year's wandering go? This, I wonder what exactly you mean by:
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No it doesn't because you limited the reference. The archaeological reference here is that the Jericho of LBIIA had cartouches of Amenhotep III, which suggests it was not destroyed anytime before the reign of Amenhotep III, but that does not exclude several generations after. Even Kenyon noted cartouches were not that effective in dating because sometimes they became heirlooms. What Kenyon thus decided was a conservative 25-year period after the reign of Amenhotep III as her best estimate for the Israelite destruction of Jericho. She dates that from 1350-1325BCE with the late dating of Amenhotep III ending his rule in 1351BCE. So she specifically does not date it "during" his rule, but shortly afterwards, likely under the presumption that if somone received a cartouche late in the reign of Amenhotep III at middle age, they would live out another 20-30 years before dying, etc. Thus conservatively presuming some people who received a cartouche during the reign of Amenhotep III might have died out within 25 years of his death, that's when she dated this destructive level. But regardless, once some specific dates are applied to the fall of Jericho, the Biblical record dates that event 40 years earlier, so those dates imply the Exodus from 1390-1365BCE. In no way has this changed. Unless someone decides to date the fall of LBIAA Jericho substantially earlier or later than 1350-1325BCE. Which I am not aware of. For instance, when I check a customary dating for Amentotep III in an Egyptian history book it shows him in the LBIIA Period.
So again, for whatever was or was not found at Jericho, for whatever considerations there are, for some reason Kenyon decided to date the destruction of Jericho by the Israelites ALL THINGS CONSIDERED, between 1350-1325BCE. That implies an Exodus between 1390-1365BCE. Simple extraction.
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And here you show that you don't know about C-14 dating.
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Oh, really, that might very well be true!
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-All- grains have lives short enough to be closely fixed to a specific C-14 intake.
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Yes, and apparently it is +/- 25 years!!
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The big thing with this dating is that it's in large quantities and -charred-. The carbonizing of the fire is the important part here, not anything about the growing cycle of the grains. And, we -can't- date to within a -year- using C-14 dating. What we get is a good match +/- a range. C-14 dating is an exact science, but the world's supply of C-14 varies from year to year. As such, we get -close- not -exact- dates.
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Yes but you don't say given a good sample what is to be expected in the way of range. I appears to be +/1 25 years.
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Okay. Here we have a nice graph and some laughable probabilities. Sorry Lars, it's true. The confidence levels reported are more like:
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Oh great, so you're questioning the chart. This is what they found and it just turns out for this level the highest 99% probability fits into a specific very narrow range but it's not to be trusted! Okay. That's fair!
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Note the date ranges. I admit, a range of only 16 to 18 years is impressive. It does bring a fine point to the times in question. But look at the conclusion of "leaves no reasonable alternative but the period 940 to 900 calendar years B.C.E". Compare this with your:
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This comment is about Level V, not Level IV. So you are confused or misunderstood the reference. My reference is for Level IV dates, and ranged, not level V. So there's no contradiction. I'm not challenging any of the dates provided nor the ranges.
"huh?" is correct!
I was talking about City IV not City V.
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Well, seeing as how these dates are no longer valid, we don't need to dwell on these, but we'll keep going 'cause this is fun ...
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They are "no longer valid" because you misquoted me. My reference is to Level IV, which peaks out at 874-867 BCE, not level V which peaks out between 935-918BCE. You have to get the right city level of comparison first before you comment. How about addressing the issues involved with Level IV. By the way, the pottery from Level IV matches the palacial "Solomonic" level from Megiddo and also Jezreel, which is why Mazar likely considered Level IV likely destroyed by Shishak by that association. But that doesn't change the dating. What you have to establish is that Level V of Rehov matches other historical and archaeological parameters to link it with Shishak other than a popular dating of 925BCE based upon the wrong eclipse reference during the Assyrian Period. So you have not yet addressed the key issues here.
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Except that we've not Egyptian data from Amenhotep III's reign that backs that up. Nothing about any plagues, even in terms of unusual phenomena. And he's not a ruler who needed to be stricken from the record, oh, but wait ... What's this?
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Again, you do not understand the reference I'm suggesting, which could entirely be my fault. Here goes, plain and simple. Amenhotep III dies in the Red Sea. His body is washed up on shore. They recognize him because of his regal clothes. They retrieve his battered and decomposing body and do their best to embalm him. In the meantime, his successor, Akhenaten, having seen these great miracles, gives homage to the god of the Israelites in his own way as "Aten" and becomes the best possible monotheist he can. The Exodus and the death in the Red Sea of Amenhotep III is dated to 1386BCE if we use Rohl's 12th year reference for the KTU 1.78 eclipse. When comparing that with when Kenyon dates the fall of Jericho, 1350-1325BCE, which is 40 years after the Exodus, 1386BCE dates the fall of Jericho within that range in 1346BCE. So we're set to go with coordination between Kenyon's dating and the KTU 1.78 dating; and yes, of course, Manetho's reference that the 17th year of Apophis is when Joseph was appointed vizier. That being said, if Shishak's invasion occurs in year 39 of Solomon then 871BCE is the true date for his invasion which fits level City IV end-destruction level, associated by some with Shishak since the pottery from this level is well matched to the palacial levels at Mediggo and Jezreel which are associated with Solomon's works.
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Um ... So, if Akhenaten's reign was purged, why wasn't Amenhotep III's reign left intact? And why don't we have 'chiseled out' inscriptions that leave some information, but delete names and places of problem?
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Um, where did you say your degree was from? JUST KIDDING!:notworthy: :angel: Here's how it works! Amenhotep III dies in the Red Sea. So that's the end of his reign and his inscriptions, right? So we don't expect him to record anything about the Exodus since since dies at the same time basically. What we do expect is some mention of it though in the next pharoah's records, that of Akhenaten! But... as is pointed out, his records are purposely destroyed, so, if he did, in fact mention it that record would have been destroyed.
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Now, wait. I already brought up EA 26, wherein it was noted that power had shifted from Amenhotep III to Akenaten. So what's the big deal with this? The ruler of the largest gold-producing nation dies and it's supposed to be kept quiet?
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Yes, on an official basis if it was an embarrassing death like getting killed in the Red Sea by a living God of some slaves you just released but now want to massacre. Sure, I don't think that would have been a very popular historical note in Egyptian history. But certainly the "rumors" about what happend would have been big news! So thus Tursatta is just letting Akhenaten know he heard the reports which essentially confirms that not only had Akhenaten not officially told him about the death but perhaps it was not expected that he would because of the embarrassment involved.
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The concept that some other ruler expressed how much he greived is supposed to be important to show that the ruler died chasing Jews through the Red Sea?
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Not necessarily, but examined to be non-contradictory as well. He could have said, May your father rest in peace, he lived a good long while, I wish I were so lucky! Instead, heaing that he had died in the Red Sea with 1000 others, killed by the God of the Jews, his sentiment was that he would have preferred 10,000 of his own people had died instead if the king himself had been spared. Then he thought, in fact, obviously, 10,000 Egyptians instead of the king would have likewise obviously been better. The idea here is that the the king's death was with others and so it would have been spontaneous to mention more dying in exchange for the king's life. Even though, obviously these numbers were mentioned in "exchange" and that's very much understanding that the king was executed.
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This is merely a classic means of expressing similarity. 'Hey look, I'm missing him too. We're the same in that, unlike those heartless bastards over there.'
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Sure, that works, maybe. But it is more likely he'd mention these greater numbers in relation to the king's life if the king was executed along with some number of others. In fact, how is 10,000 of his own people being put to death have anything to do with the king's death? Say if he died of old age or disease? That, compared to the way he did die, in a mass death in the Red Sea where, naturally, one would exchange the king's personal life for more mass deaths, or offer that some of his own people have been sacrificed in the Red Sea instead of the king himself. So it's a matter of interpretation.
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And, at the same time, the 10,000 deaths is merely a 'I wish 10,000 of either my or your people had died rather than Amenhotep III'. Again, this statement expresses -how much- the ruler is apparently greiving. Do we see 10,000 deaths to commemorate the death? No, we don't. This is merely a manner of literary somantics. Going through the motions to infer similarities. It is in no way unique.
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I can see that. BUT as I said, when you consider that he died in the Red Sea with say 1000 of the army, this statement could be taken in terms of a ransom exchange for the king's fate, that is, preferring, if some had to die in punishment that 10 times the number who died would have been preferable if the king's personal life were spared.
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Am I being perhaps flippant here?
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Not at all! This is a judgment call. Except, I can see how the king could have said, "I wish 10,000 of my own people had died instead of the king", which was generous of him and would show how much he loved the king. But offering 10,000 Egyptians to die instead of the king wouldn't meet that sentiment. What comfort is there in wish 10,000 Egyptians had died instead of the king? On the other hand, looking at it from a legal point of view, a king being executed with his army, then a greater number dying to spare the king himself, on either side is a reasonable gesture of sentiment. To wish that 10,000 Egyptians had died rather than the king suggests that at least 1000 Egyptians had died with the king and he's just saying he'd prefer that even more Egyptians had died if the king had been spared. Otherwise, what right does he have to wish the death of Egyptians?
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es. Why? Because the inference is solely literary and you're blowing it out of importance here. You haven't the archaeology to back that up ...
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I don't mean to, but only to show it is consistent with a FAMOUS DEATH (he heard the report, not from Akhenaten, it was well known) and that for some reason he wants to exchange the life of the king with a great number of others, which makes sense if the king were punished along with other Egyptians. He's just saying he wished more Egyptians individually wer punished, up to 10,000 rather than the king himself with say 1000 others.
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And, in your arguements here, I only see -less- and -less-, even with the information from the Amarna Letters.
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Yes but you have false momentum since you got a few critical items confused.
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No, it doesn't. And your 'archaeohistorical' study is just so much conjecture and juggling of numbers. When put into an archaeological context with research that integrates with the larger knowledge base of archaeological data, it's worth just as much as the paper it's printed on - oh, sorry, it's an electronic format.
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May be, but other professionals in your field do it. Israel Finkelstein not only dismisses David as conquering during the early 10th century BCE, he dismisses Solomon as building those palaces and since Jesus was a "greater Solomon" suggests the basis for Jesus' greatness is falsely placed. So a professional archaeologist, whose expertise is archaeology, not Biblical history or exegetical interpretation uses his interpretation of archaeology and his interpertation of the Bible to gain momentum for his Solomon bashing. So I'm just MAKING COMPARISONS.
My critical dating references have ZERO CONJECTURE:
1) Kenyon dates the fall of Jericho by the Israelites between 1350-1325BCE. Period. I just use that to project the Exodus to 1390-1365BCE. What conjecture?
2) Level City IV of Rehov is dated between 918-845BCE. That's what they tell me. The center of that range is around 871BCE and their own graph shows a high probability of 99% for a range between 874-867BCE. Where's the conjecture? I merely note that if the Exodus is dated to the 1st of Akhenaten in 1386BCE, based upon the KTU 1.78 text (which is conjecture, but not mine, but Rohl's) or 1390BCE per Kenyon's early dating, then Shishak's invasion would occur very close to City IV dating 874, 871 BCE, respectively. So I'm well founded.
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And, some people take this too far, not stopping when the facts indicate that they are obviously wrong. And I won't go into 'dysfunctional theories'. It's just too tempting.
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"Dysfunctional" is very much in the eye of the beholder. For instance, it's dysfunctional to date the 763BCE eclipse to month 3 when Babylonian evidence suggests it would have been normally dated to month 2. So whose being dysfunctional. This eclipse is part of a series of the exeligmos eclipses 54 years and 1 month apart, so the next in the series, 709BCE occurs in the natural third month. If you use 709BCE to date the Assyrian Period then Shishak's invasion drops from 925BCE to 871BCE, City IV Rehov level. See how that works?
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We don't know when (if) the Exodus happened.
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"We" don't, but
I do.
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We know why Akhenaten became a monotheist. His worship of Aton was there to help solidify himself at the pinacle of power, effectively making himself the 'only game in town'. He could control the military, the economy and, finally, the religious sentiments of the people.
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Oops! My conjecturing is contagious! Fact is, there are probably a few good reasons to explain why Akhenaten became so radical religiously. But since we know from Manetho that he survived the Ten Plagues, the Ten Plagues becomes a valid reason as well. You're an anthropologist but I bet a psychiatrist would not dismiss that Akhenaten's behavior is suggestive of a traumatic or inspirational triggering event. Furthermore, lots of others joined him. It became the state religion. Nefertiti was "into it!" Definite high priestess if any. So what's her excuse? Oh I know, "I have to please my king to assure my power position in the empire, a small price for giving up Isis and Horus".
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And, finally, we have a mummy for Amenhotep III. How can we have the body if he was 'lost' in the Red Sea?
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Again, you have the facts mixed up. The pesumption is that his body was retrieved. He would have been easy to identify, I think, by his clothing. Then he was embalmed. But as noted, a very special procedure for embalming was undertaken unique to him at that time. I believe its reasonable to presume if the body was already a few days old that it may have required this special process versus if he had died at the palace and was immediately embalmed.
Furthermore, I read through most of the other descriptions of the other mummys and not a single one had REPLACED limbs. Some had missing body parts, or disjoined ones, but none had bones belonging to some other body. Some of this include just a "big toe" even. So what? Robbers happened to rifle seeral mummies and those restoring them got the body parts mixed up? There just happened to be a missing toe from other corpse? A missing leg? No other corpses have REPLACED parts.
So lets CONJECTURE as to WHY a part would be replaced? and when would it be most convenient to do so? Seems to me if the king was badly damaged and he indeed suffered severe avulsions or amputations that the embalmers would have transplanted these items so the king's body was whole at the time of his embalming. That's more logital than finding some embalmed bone from another mummy that just happened to be available and getting it mixed up. If the former is the case, though, we have to presume some scenario where he would have lost a limb and a big toe. Being tossed around violently in the Red Sea would easily explain that.
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Face it. Archaeology is -not- your friend here.
- Hex
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It's not if I'm misquoted. But it's my friend when correctly applied. WATCH.
I date the Exodus to 1386BCE based upon the Jews returning to Palestine in 1947. Can you believe it!!! Wow! That's my fixed date. I can't change it. Will archaeology help me and be my "friend."?
Well, turns out Kathleen Kenyon has some specific dates for the fall of Jericho by the Israelites, 1350-1325BCE. That means the Exodus would be dated 1390-1365BCE. How does that work out for my absolute fixed date of 1386BCE? FINE! See, Kenyon and archaeology are my friend!
Thanks for sharing your "professional" view, it answers a lot of questions I might have had about why certain ideas persist, even in the more gifted circles.
Larsguy47