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Old 05-29-2012, 12:36 AM   #31
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Originally Posted by aa5874 View Post
The Sanhedrin did NOT try a Capital case in the Gospels. The Capital Case was TRIED before Pilate.

Jesus was NOT even punished for anything in the Trial with the Sanhedrin.
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Originally Posted by la70119 View Post
No, but he was STILL TRIED FOR and CONVICTED OF a capital crime (Blasphemy) before the Sanhedrin...
Your statement is erroneous. We have gMark. The Sanhedrin did NOT even have any witnesses when they had Jesus arrrested.

Mark 15
Quote:
1 And immediately in the morning, the chief priests, with the elders and the scribes, and the whole Sanhedrim having prepared counsel, bound Jesus and led him away, and delivered him to Pilate.
The Sanhedrin QUESTIONED Jesus and when he Blasphemed the questioning was stopped because they NOW had evidence to PROCEED with the Capital case BEFORE Pilate.

In gMark, the Sanhedrin prepared COUNSEL for the Capital Trial of Jesus with Pilate.
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Old 05-29-2012, 02:50 AM   #32
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Originally Posted by aa5874 View Post
The Sanhedrin did NOT try a Capital case in the Gospels. The Capital Case was TRIED before Pilate.

Jesus was NOT even punished for anything in the Trial with the Sanhedrin.

Your statement is erroneous. We have gMark. The Sanhedrin did NOT even have any witnesses when they had Jesus arrrested.
What the blazes are you talking about?

If they weren't trying a capital case, they sure acted as if they were. And they were trying the case without observing any of the legal restrictions required by the Jewish Oral Law.

They certainly did have witnesses. It's just that they weren't credible.

Mark 14

Quote:
61b Again the high priest asked him, “Are you the Christ, the Son of the Blessed One?”

62 “I am,” said Jesus. “And you will see the Son of Man sitting at the right hand of the Mighty One and coming on the clouds of heaven.”

63 The high priest tore his clothes. “Why do we need any more witnesses?” he asked. 64 “You have heard the blasphemy. What do you think?”

They all condemned him as worthy of death. (κατέκριναν αὐτὸν εἶναι ἔνοχον θανάτου)
Let's pick apart the last phrase, shall we?

Strong's Transliteration Greek English Morphology
2632 [e] katekrinan κατέκριναν condemned V-AIA-3P
846 [e] auton αὐτὸν him, PPro-AM3S
1777 [e] enochon ἔνοχον deserving Adj-AMS
1510 [e] einai εἶναι to be V-PN
2288 [e] thanatou θανάτου of death N-GMS

The important words: "condemned" and "deserving"

The word "condemned" in the Greek is κατακρίνω:

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/...CE%BD&la=greek

κατέκριναν, verb 3rd person plural aorist indicative active of κατακρίνω:

Quote:
κατακρίνω: A. give as sentence against, “τὸ τελευτῆσαι πάντων ἡ πεπρωμένη κατέκρινε” Isoc.1.43:—Pass., τοῖσι κατεκέκρι^το θάνατος sentence of death had been passed upon them, Hdt.7.146; κατακεκριμένων οἱ τούτων when this sentence has been given against him, Id.2.133; “φυγὴν κατακριθείς” Suid. s.v. Ἱεροκλῆς: impers., ἂν κατακρι^θῇ μοι if sentence be given against me, X.Ap.7: Arc., c. dat. pers. et gen. rei, ὀς<*>έοι ἂν χρηστήριον κακρίνη ἢ γνωσίαι κακριθήη τῶν χρημάτων anyone whom the oracle has condemned or who by judicial process has been condemned to forfeit his property, IG5(2).262.14, 15 (Mantinea, v B. C., = Class.Phil.20.137).

2. c. acc. pers., condemn, v.l. in Antipho 4.4.2: c. acc. et inf., “κατέκρινάν μιν ἔκδοτον ἄγεσθαι” Hdt.6.85, cf. 9.93, Theoc. 23.23 (ubi sc. βαδίζειν)“; κ. τινὰ θανάτῳ” Ev.Matt.20.18, cf. J. BJ5.13.1; “εἴκοσι δραχμαῖς” IG5(1).1390.161 (Andania, i B. C.): c. acc. rei, deem guilty of a thing, “κ. πολλὴν ἄνοιάν τινων” Arist.Rh.Al.1423b29; “ψευδολογίαν τινός” J.AJ3.14.4:—Pass., to be condemned, X.HG 2.3.54; “ψήφῳ θανάτου” E.Andr.496 codd. (anap.), cf. Phld.Herc.1251.18; “ἀποθνῄσκειν” X.Hier.7.10; also of the crime, “τὰ ὁμολογούμενα τῶν πραγμάτων ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου -κέκριται” Antipho 3.1.1; “-κεκρίσθαι τὰ ὑπὸ ἰδιωτῶν πραχθέντα” OGI669.27 (Egypt, i A. D.).

II. Pass., simply, to be judged, deemed, “κατεκρίθη θνατοῖς ἀγανώτατος ἔμμεν” Pi. Fr.149.
Strong's:

http://concordances.org/greek/2632.htm

Quote:
STRONGS NT 2632: κατακρίνω

κατακρίνω; future καακρίνω; 1 aorist κατεκρινα; passive, perfect κατακεκριμαι; 1 aorist κατεκρίθην; 1 future κατακριθήσομαι; "to give judgment against (one (see κατά, III. 7)), to judge worthy of punishment, to condemn";

a. properly: Romans 8:34; τινα, John 8:10; Romans 2:1, where it is disting. from κρίνειν, as in 1 Corinthians 11:32; passive, Matthew 27:3; Romans 14:23; τινα θανάτῳ, to adjudge one to death, condemn to death, Matthew 20:18 (Tdf. εἰς θάνατον); Mark 10:33, (κεκρίμμενοι θανάτῳ, to eternal death, the Epistle of Barnabas 10, 5 [ET]); καταστροφή, 2 Peter 2:6 (WH omits; Tr marginal reading brackets καταστροφή) (the Greeks say κατακρίνειν τινα θανάτου or θάνατον; cf. Winers Grammar, 210 (197f); Buttmann, § 132, 16; Grimm on Wis. 2:20); with the accusative and infinitive, τινα ἔνοχον εἶναι θανάτου, Mark 14:64; simply, of God condemning one to eternal misery: passive, Mark 16:16; 1 Corinthians 11:32; James 5:9 Rec. b. improperly, i. e. by one's good example to render another's wickedness the more evident and censurable: Matthew 12:41; Luke 11:31; Hebrews 11:7. In a peculiar use of the word, occasioned by the employment of the term κατάκριμα (in verse 1), Paul says, Romans 8:3, ὁ Θεός κατέκρινε τήν ἁμαρτίαν ἐν τῇ σαρκί, i. e. through his Son, who partook of human nature but was without sin, God deprived sin (which is the ground of the κατάκριμα) of its power in human nature (looked at in the general), broke its deadly sway (just as the condemnation and punishment of wicked men puts an end to their power to injure or do harm). ((From Pindar and Herodotus down.))
The word "deserving" is ἔνοχον:

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/...CE%BD&la=greek

ἔνοχον adjective singular masc accusative of ἔνοχος:

Quote:
ἔνοχος: A. = ἐνεχόμενος, held in, bound by, “τοιαύταις δόξαις” Arist. Metaph.1009b17; “ταῖς εἰρημέναις βλάβαις” Id.Pol.1337b17; [ἔθεσι γεροντικοῖς] Apollod.Com.7.2.

2. c. gen., connected with, “κοιλίης” Hp.Ep.23.

II. as law-term, liable to, subject to, νόμοις, δίκαις, Pl.Lg.869b; “τῇ γραφῇ” X.Mem.1.2.64; “τῇ κρίσει” Ev.Matt.5.22; “τῷ ὅρκῳ” PRyl.82.14 (ii A. D.), etc.; “τοῖς ἐπιτιμίοις τοῦ φόνου” Antipho 4.1.6; “ζημίαις” Lys.14.9; “ταῖς ἀραῖς” D.19.201; “δεσμῷ” Id.51.4; “ὅρκῳ” PHib.1.65.22 (iii B. C.), etc.; ἔ. ἀνοίαις liable to the imputation of it, Isoc.8.7; “ἁμαρτήμασι” Aeschin.2.146; “τοῖς αἰσχίστοις ἐπιτηδεύμασιν” Id.1.185.

2. “ἔνοχος ψευδομαρτυρίοις” liable to action for . .,Pl.Tht. 148b: c. gen., “ἔ. τοῦ φόνου” Antipho6.46; βιαίων, λιποταξίου (sc. δίκῃ, γραφῇ), Pl.Lg.914e, Lys.14.5; “ἱεροσυλίας” LXX 2 Ma.13.6; μοιχείας Vett. Val.117.10; ἔ. θανάτου liable to the penalty of death, D.S.27.4, Ev.Matt.26.66 (but θανάτῳ Wilcken Chr.13.11 (i A. D.)): c. inf., “ἔ. ἔστω ἀποτῖσαι” CIG2832.8 (Aphrodisias).

3. less freq. with Preps., ἔ. ἐν τοῖς αὐτοῖς Decr. ap. And.1.79; “περὶ ταὐτά” Arist.Rh.1384b2; “ἔνοχοι ἔντω ἐνς Ἀθαναίαν” IG4.554 (Argos, vi/v B. C.).

4. guilty, liable to the penalty for, “ἔ. τῷ φόνῳ” Antipho 1.11, Arist.Pol.1269a3, cf. Rh.1380a3: abs., Antipho4.1.1,6.17, Pl.Sph.261a, etc.

b. of property, subject to liability, PMasp.312.86 (vi A. D.).
Strong's:

http://concordances.org/greek/1777.htm

Quote:
STRONGS NT 1777: ἔνοχος

ἔνοχος, ἔνοχον, equivalent to ὁ ἐνεχόμενος, one who is held in anything, so that he cannot escape; bound, under obligation, subject to, liable: with the genitive of the thing by which one is bound, δουλείας, Hebrews 2:15; used of one who is held by, possessed with, love and zeal for anything; thus τῶν βιβλίων, Sir. prolog. 9; with the dative τοῖς ἐρωτικοις, Plutarch; (on supposed distinctions in meaning between the construction with the genitive and with the dative (e. g. 'the construction with the dative expresses liability, that with the genitive carries the meaning further and implies either the actual or the rightful hold.' Green) see Schäfer on Demosth. see p. 323; cf. Winers Grammar, § 28, 2; Buttmann, 170 (148)). As in Greek writings, chiefly in a forensic sense, denoting the connection of a person either with his crime, or with the penalty or trial, or with that against whom or which he has offended; so a. absolutely guilty, worthy of punishment: Leviticus 20:9, 11, 13, 16, 27; 1 Macc. 14:45.

b. with the genitive of the thing by the violation of which guilt is contracted, guilty of anything: τοῦ σώματος καί τοῦ αἵματος τοῦ κυρίου, guilty of a crime committed against the body and blood of the Lord, 1 Corinthians 11:27 (see Meyer; Winer's Grammar, 202 (190f)); πάντων, namely, ἐνταλμάτων, James 2:10; οἱ ἔνοχοί σου, Isaiah 54:17.

c. with the genitive of the crime: αἰωνίου ἁμαρτήματος (an eternal sin), Mark 3:29 L T Tr text WH; (τῶν βιαίων, Plato, legg. 11, 914 e.; κλοπῆς, Philo de Jos. § 37; ἱεροσυλίας, 2 Macc. 13:6; Aristotle, oec. 2 (p. 1349{a}, 19), and in other examples; but much more often in the classics with the dative of the crime; cf. Passow or (Liddell and Scott) under the word).

d. with the genitive of the penalty: θανάτου, Mark 14:64; Matthew 26:66; Genesis 26:11; αἰωνίου κρίσεως, Mark 3:29 Rec.; δεσμοῦ (others, dative), Demosthenes, p. 1229, 11.

e. with the dative of the tribunal; liable to this or that tribunal i. e. to punishment to he imposed by this or that tribunal: τῇ κρίσει, τῷ συνεδρίῳ, Matthew 5:21f; ἔνοχος γραφή, to be indicted, Xenophon, mem. 1, 2, 64; cf. Bleek, Br. an d. Hebrew ii. 1, p. 340f; (Winers Grammar, 210 (198)).

f. by a use unknown to Greek writers it is connected with εἰς and the accusative of the place where the punishment is to be suffered: εἰς τήν γηνναν τοῦ πυρός, a pregnant construction (Winers Grammar, 213 (200); 621 (577)) (but cf. Buttmann, 170 (148) (who regards it as a vivid circumlocution for the dative; cf. Green, Critical Notes (at the passage) 'liable as far' in respect of penal consequence 'as the fiery G.')) viz. to go away or be cast into etc. Matthew 5:22.
Both Perseus and Strong's show that the Greek κατέκριναν αὐτὸν εἶναι ἔνοχον θανάτου both have a stronger sense of "they adjudicated him to be liable of death", then simply "they deemed him worthy of death": i.e., they literally sentenced him to death. Something which, I had presumed before they did not do, but it turns out they actually did. Well, in this fiction, anyway. Reality would have been another story.

Quote:
Originally Posted by aa5874 View Post

Mark 15
Quote:
1 And immediately in the morning, the chief priests, with the elders and the scribes, and the whole Sanhedrim having prepared counsel, bound Jesus and led him away, and delivered him to Pilate.
The Sanhedrin QUESTIONED Jesus and when he Blasphemed the questioning was stopped because they NOW had evidence to PROCEED with the Capital case BEFORE Pilate.

In gMark, the Sanhedrin prepared COUNSEL for the Capital Trial of Jesus with Pilate.
You know what "prepared counsel" means in the modern English sense: it means "lawyered up". Well good for you! :devil1: But the Greek is apparently different: the words are συμβούλιον ποιήσαντες and the lexica indicates that they didn't "lawyer up" at all, but did something completely different.

Let's look at the word "counsel" now.

The word "counsel" is συμβούλιον:

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/...CE%BD&la=greek

συμβούλιον noun singular neuter accusative (also nominative)

Quote:
συμβούλιον: A. advice, counsel, esp. with purposes of evil, Ev.Matt.12.14, Ev.Marc.3.6.

II. a council of advisors or assessors, PTeb.286.15 (ii A.D.), Plu.Luc.26; esp. freq. of the consilium of a Roman magistrate, governor, etc., SIG684.11 (Dyme, ii B.C.), al., Supp.Epigr.2.265 (Delph., ii B.C.), Act.Ap.25.12, Plu.Rom.14, 2.196e, etc.
http://concordances.org/greek/4824.htm

Quote:
STRONGS NT 4824: συμβούλιον

συμβούλιον, συμβουλίου, τό (σύμβουλος);

1. counsel, which is given, taken, entered upon (PIut. Romul. 14): λαμβάνω (on this phrase see λαμβάνω, I. 6), Matthew 12:14; Matthew 22:15; Matthew 27:1, 7; Matthew 28:12; ποιῶ, to consult, deliberate, Mark 3:6 (Tr text WH text συμβούλιον ἐδίδουν); Mark 15:1 (T WH marginal reading συμβούλιον ἑτοιμασαντες; cf. Weiss ad loc.).

2. a council, i. e. an assembly of counsellors or persons in consultation (Plutarch, Luc. 26): Acts 25:12 (the governors and procurator's of provinces had a board of assessors or advisers with whom they took counsel before rendering judgment; see Cicero, ad fam. 8, 8; Verr. 2, 13; Sueton. vit. Tiber. 33; Lampridius, vit. Alex. Sever c. 46; cf. Josephus, b. j. 2, 16, 1).
So the stronger meaning indicates they made a resolution, joint counsel, advice or consultation. Where συμβούλιον comes from, συμ + βουλή, the latter Koine Greek word short definition means will, determination.

http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/...or=sumbou/lion

So I think a strong case here in Mark 15:1 is that they didn't lawyer up, but rather, they reached a decision.

Imagine. We're arguing over fiction.
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Old 05-29-2012, 03:48 AM   #33
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Originally Posted by la70119
Imagine. We're arguing over fiction.
Perhaps, so, but I believe that the substance of the thread is focused on external, non-Gospel evidence, claimed to support the notion of a prediction of the fall of the temple in Jerusalem, about four decades prior to its actual demise.

Quote:
Originally Posted by GakuseiDon
There did seem to be a lot of signs reported leading up to the destruction of the Temple. Tacitus wrote:
...
"...a lot of signs..." ?? Really?

Let's confirm GDon's English translation, by looking at the original Latin, from section 13 of book 5 of the Histories:
Quote:
Originally Posted by Tacitus
Apertae repente delubri fores et audita maior humana vox excedere deos; simul ingens motus excedentium.
So, it is clear, that Tacitus did write: "GODS", plural, contrary to what one would have expected, from shouts among any Jewish religious assembly.

Quote:
Originally Posted by GakuseiDon
Probably Tacitus got this from Josephus, who also wrote of the same events, as well as as a star that stood over Jerusalem for a year, indicating that the Messiah had come (though Josephus never used the term 'Messiah', and stated the the prophecy of a leader coming from the East referred to Vespasian).
Do you have some evidence that Tacitus' suggestion of voices calling out "GODS" plural, as the Temple is under attack, originates with the Jewish writer, Josephus?

Quote:
This brings us to the vexed question: what sources were used by Tacitus? We know that he wrote letters to people who could tell him more -two letters from Pliny the Younger, concerning the eruption of the Vesuvius, survive- but he must have used other sources of information as well. He pretty accurately renders a speech by Claudius, which has survived as an inscription. The idea that he checked the state's archives, has by now been rejected; and he sometimes quotes authors like Pliny the Elder. Still, it is remarkable that he was capable of ignoring important sources as well - his account of the Jewish War is not based on Flavius Josephus. Essentially, Tacitus' sources are an unsolved riddle - which is less surprising than it seems: he was not a real historian, but a moralist.
:huh:
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Old 05-29-2012, 08:37 AM   #34
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Originally Posted by la70119 View Post
Imagine. We're arguing over fiction.
I am arguing against your INVENTION. You cannot add or remove anything from Fiction stories. You MUST, MUST, WRITE EXACTLY what is in the story. You have NO right whatsoever to invent stories because you don't like the ones in the Bible.

The Capital case was tried BEFORE Pilate NOT before the Sanhedrin.

We have gMark. The SANEDRIN prepared Counsel and Delivered Jesus to Pilate.

During the Capital Case with Pilate the Chief Priest ACCUSED Jesus of many things but he STOPPED Talking.

Mark 15
Quote:
3 And the chief priests accused him of many things.

4 And Pilate again asked him: Answerest thou nothing? See of how many things they accuse thee,

5 But Jesus no longer answered any thing: so that Pilate wondered.
Please, do NOT invent stories about Jesus because those in the Bible are KNOWN fiction.

You MUST, MUST, MUST only repeat the claims of the sources to understand the story. It is THEIR STORY not yours.
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Old 05-29-2012, 12:39 PM   #35
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Oh great and wise potentates, is there anything historical being argued that couldnt have been derived from Josephus? Is there anything being argued theologically that couldnt have have been derived from Philo? IMO alot of destruction of electrons(apologies to Carrier).
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Old 05-29-2012, 03:36 PM   #36
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Originally Posted by Grog View Post
125 CE at the earliest...as late as 160 or so.
Papyrus P52 is usually dated 117-138 CE, or before 100 CE to 150 CE, with a median date of 125 CE.
The curious thing about it, it has neither the Nomina Sacra, nor Jesus' name in it.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rylands...ry_Papyrus_P52
Usually?
Schmidt dates it to 170 +/- 25 years.

Others date it late 2nd C.

K.
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Old 05-29-2012, 04:28 PM   #37
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Originally Posted by tanya View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by la70119
Imagine. We're arguing over fiction.
Perhaps, so, but I believe that the substance of the thread is focused on external, non-Gospel evidence, claimed to support the notion of a prediction of the fall of the temple in Jerusalem, about four decades prior to its actual demise.
And it's a pity we don't have hard evidence, just Jewish rabbinical writings and the minefield of Gospels writings.

Quote:
Originally Posted by aa5874 View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by la70119 View Post
Imagine. We're arguing over fiction.
I am arguing against your INVENTION. You cannot add or remove anything from Fiction stories. You MUST, MUST, WRITE EXACTLY what is in the story. You have NO right whatsoever to invent stories because you don't like the ones in the Bible.

The Capital case was tried BEFORE Pilate NOT before the Sanhedrin.
Quote:
You MUST, MUST, MUST only repeat the claims of the sources to understand the story. It is THEIR STORY not yours.
Merely repeating the claims of the sources is exactly what I did.

I have already showed you what they intended, in the original Greek. You are reading "lawyered up" into the words "prepared counsel" and "stating their informal opinions" into "condemning him as liable of death". So what that they took him to Pilate. Have you ever heard of double jeopardy, where a person is put on trial twice by two different courts on different charges for the same thing? Even though it's unconstitutional in the US we do it often enough.

It is you who are inventing things.

Quote:
Originally Posted by Kapyong View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by la70119 View Post
Quote:
Originally Posted by Grog
125 CE at the earliest...as late as 160 or so.
Papyrus P52 is usually dated 117-138 CE, or before 100 CE to 150 CE, with a median date of 125 CE.
The curious thing about it, it has neither the Nomina Sacra, nor Jesus' name in it.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Rylands...ry_Papyrus_P52
Usually?
Schmidt dates it to 170 +/- 25 years.

Others date it late 2nd C.

K.
Yes, spin brought this up before.

Quote:
Originally Posted by spin
This is the editio princeps of C.H. Roberts. Since then a lot more of palaeographic evidence has been considered. Andreas Schmidt (1989) considering other manuscripts dated the tiny fragments toward the end of the 2nd c. (C.M. Tuckett cites Schmidt uncontrovertially, NTS 47 p.544.) Brent Nongbri (HTR 98, 2005, p.46) urged that such pinpoint accuracy as Roberts' date is overoptimistic and recommends widening the date range considerably towards the newer. He concludes "any serious consideration of the window for possible dates for P52 must include dates in the late second century and early third centuries."
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Old 05-29-2012, 04:42 PM   #38
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Josephus's account of the apparent close proximity between the death of JtB and the Antipas-Aretas does conflict chronologically with the gospels account of John's death. If the Antipas-Aretas conflict began sometime before 36 CE then this chronological discrepancy would lessen ( See: The Argument of Christiane Saulnier.) In other respects the Antipas-Aretas conflict supports chronologically events depicted in Acts. Before the death of the emperor Tiberius in the year 37 CE there is no reason that Aretas would have any control over Damascus. As the new emperor, Caligula knew that Aretas had formerly helped his father Germanicus and therefore may've allowed Aretas to control Damascus in 37 CE. Murphy-O'Conner presents in his book,Paul: A Critical Life (or via: amazon.co.uk), that Paul had resided in Damascus for three years after his conversion from 34- 37 CE. However, after Aretas gained possession over Damascus in 37 CE Paul was forced to flee the city.
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Old 05-29-2012, 05:25 PM   #39
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Originally Posted by arnoldo View Post
Josephus's account of the apparent close proximity between the death of JtB and the Antipas-Aretas does conflict chronologically with the gospels account of John's death. If the Antipas-Aretas conflict began sometime before 36 CE then this chronological discrepancy would lessen ( See: The Argument of Christiane Saulnier.) In other respects the Antipas-Aretas conflict supports chronologically events depicted in Acts. Before the death of the emperor Tiberius in the year 37 CE there is no reason that Aretas would have any control over Damascus. As the new emperor, Caligula knew that Aretas had formerly helped his father Germanicus and therefore may've allowed Aretas to control Damascus in 37 CE. Murphy-O'Conner presents in his book,Paul: A Critical Life (or via: amazon.co.uk), that Paul had resided in Damascus for three years after his conversion from 34- 37 CE. However, after Aretas gained possession over Damascus in 37 CE Paul was forced to flee the city.
Except in Acts 9:1-25 it does not say that Saul spent three years in Demascus. It says he spent "several days" and "many days." This is in contradiction to Paul's own personal account in Gal 1:17-18 that he spent three years there, and in 2 Cor 11:32-33 had to flee the rage of the governor under Aretas IV, d. 40 CE. The three accounts are not harmonizable in my opinion, they flatly contradict each other.

And which came first? And what account? Saul being converted in 34 CE is contingent on a Crucifixion occurring in 30 CE. If Luke placed the Crucifixion in 36 or 37 CE (which he most certainly did), then Saul's conversion would not have occurred until 40 or 41 CE. Either that, or all the events of Acts 1 through Acts 9 have to be squeezed into a smaller space. And if he really did spend three years in Damascus as he claimed, then all those events have to be squeezed into the space of a year or less. Probably not feasible if it was real-life, but very easy to do in fiction.
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Old 05-29-2012, 10:02 PM   #40
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Originally Posted by la70119 View Post
.......And which came first? And what account? Saul being converted in 34 CE is contingent on a Crucifixion occurring in 30 CE. If Luke placed the Crucifixion in 36 or 37 CE (which he most certainly did), then Saul's conversion would not have occurred until 40 or 41 CE. Either that, or all the events of Acts 1 through Acts 9 have to be squeezed into a smaller space. And if he really did spend three years in Damascus as he claimed, then all those events have to be squeezed into the space of a year or less. Probably not feasible if it was real-life, but very easy to do in fiction.
In order to figure out the chronology of events in the Pauline letters the Jesus story of Gospels and Acts of the Apostles MUST be first known.

For example, the chronology of events in Galatians 1.15-20 cannot be tied to the event in 2 Corinthians 11.32-33. by using the Pauline letters alone.

In fact, it cannot be known when God supposedly called Paul by just reading Galatians.

The Gospels and Acts of the Apostles MUST be already known for Galatians 1, Galatians 2 and 2 Corinthians 11 to make sense.

The Gospels and Acts of the Apostles do NOT need the Pauline letters. The chronology of the Gospels and Acts are internal and independent of the Pauline letters.

The Pauline letters must be AFTER the Gospels and Acts of the Apostles.
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