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Old 12-09-2009, 09:51 AM   #31
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I wonder if diaspora Jews saw the Judean establishment as puritanical killjoys. Maybe they were tired of the dietary and religious restrictions, or viewed them as superstitious relics of pre-Hellenistic times.
The Greeks and Romans had a superior material culture, and a pile of literature more sophisticated than the moralistic Jewish writings. When Josephus calls the Jews "a nation of priests" I wonder how many would've resented the emphasis on ritual purity and strict ethics when the gentiles seemed to have all the fun.
There is definitely a lot to this. On personal level, the Jewish sense of identity is a quite amazing thing. I am saying this is a descendant of a family of Catholic Jews, who converted and ended up in Bohemia because of the messed up 1781 Toleration Edict of Joseph II. of Austria. The measure was to grant Jews equal status of subjects (as it did to Protestants) but because of a strong anti-Jewish reaction, the situation actually worsened as new quotas were established regulating the number of "tolerated Jews" in the provinces of the Habsburg Empire. A number of Jews converted to Catholicism to avoid hassles and resettlement. So did my father's ancestors who lived near Salzburg. They were resettled into Bohemia anyhow ! They retained their Catholicism, initially to avoid trouble in the new place but eventually became regular Catholics, wearing their hateful attitude to unconverted Jews. My grandmother was packed to the Theresienstadt ghetto by the Nazis whence she wrote to the archdiocese in Prague every week, imploring to be released from the captivity rightfuly designed for the Christ-killers but pray not faithful Catholics like her. Her pleas went unanswered and she died in the ghetto of typhoid fever.

Yet, even though the grandma I never knew hated Jews, she had mostly Jewish friends, talked Czech with hundreds of yiddish words, made traditional šoulet (goose with trimmings) every šábes (sabbath) and would have been very indignant if anyone criticized her adherence to things Jewish. So said my dad. He was caught by the Gestapo in 1944 living under assumed identity to avoid being sent to Auschwitz. He was promptly sent to Auschwitz. When he came back, some people thought he was one of the kapos (the notorious murdering inmate helpers of the SS guards in the camps). My father won a lawsuit against the libellers but the rumour resulting from his pathetic and public anti-semitism, he received next to nothing in damages. Yet my dad too was fond of his Jewish heritage. All the boys in his family were circumcised (a practice which was rationalized as hygienic measure by non-religious Jews and performed as hand surgery by Jewish physicians), and he often brought me books of Jewish legends and showed me the haunts of the old Prague ghetto. Incidentally, both of my dad's character witnesses at his trial were friends who were traditional Jews. They cleared his name so far as it could be done. I remember overhearing my dad and one of them, Felix (also an Auschwitz survivor), who was visiting, shortly after the trial. They were laughing and arguing and calling each other kike (židák) and meshumed (yiddish for apostate).

I believe the diaspora experience has had some constants, in the sort of pressures it exerted on the exiles. Even outside the periodic assaults on the Jews, culminating in the WWII Holocaust, the tension between the Jewish belief in being the chosen people of God and the reality of a technically and culturally dominant civilization which was not Jewish defined their attitudes both, to the outside world, and to each other. For the smarter Jews, the restrictive religious code, the parochial traditions (enforced by the ghetto culture) , and their implied hostility to, and mistrust of, the outside world, were always management issues. For most of them a formula had to be found by which they would remain members of the community (which had access to an international network with often unmatched resources) and at the same time, present themselves to the outside world as people properly 'civilized': reasonable and dependable.

The tension was always particularly felt by the Jewish intellectuals. I see in the likes of Karl Marx and Rudolf Steiner the modern equivalents to Philo and Paul; a cry for Jewish assimilation to a philosophical universalism (or, in the case of Josephus, a political universalism represented by Rome). Did Paul (of the Galatians) go to Jerusalem to convince James' saints of his revelation that the ascended Jesus of the Nazarenes fulfilled the law, and that it was time to modernize the faith ? I'd say, yes, probably.

Jiri
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Old 12-09-2009, 10:11 AM   #32
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I believe the diaspora experience has had some constants, in the sort of pressures it exerted on the exiles.... For most of them a formula had to be found by which they would remain members of the community (which had access to an international network with often unmatched resources) and at the same time, present themselves to the outside world as people properly 'civilized': reasonable and dependable.

The tension was always particularly felt by the Jewish intellectuals. I see in the likes of Karl Marx and Rudolf Steiner the modern equivalents to Philo and Paul; a cry for Jewish assimilation to a philosophical universalism (or, in the case of Josephus, a political universalism represented by Rome). Did Paul (of the Galatians) go to Jerusalem to convince James' saints of his revelation that the ascended Jesus of the Nazarenes fulfilled the law, and that it was time to modernize the faith ? I'd say, yes, probably.

Jiri
Yes, I suspect that diaspora Jews have always faced challenges like this, going back at least to Hellenistic times if not to Babylon. Maybe the clash between strict Mosaic Judaism and Hellenism was a precursor to the tension between secular science and religious authorities after the Renaissance, ie modernism vs medievalism.
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Old 12-09-2009, 10:22 AM   #33
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I wonder if the Diaspora and the idea of exile are also myth. The festival of lights does celebrate the victory of the fundies against Greek thinking Jews in a civil war.

The later loss of the Temple by the fundies in a war with the Romans they started would definitely be mythologised - maybe it also created a Lord Jesus Christ or Yahweh Saviour annointer.
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Old 12-09-2009, 11:01 AM   #34
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One possibility must be that the Pauline Epistles have been interpolated by completing religious authorities, but this idea is evidently not what someone teaching at a Christian seminary wants to consider. The word interpolation only appears twice in a footnote, referring to 2 Cor 6:14-7:1, with a reference to Raymond Brown.
Arguing for interpolation, not just in the Paulines but in any ancient text is necessarily very, very heavy burden. If we start bandying the possibility about without careful argumentation we open the door to a slippery slope, where authenticity exists at the whim of the exegete.

Perhaps the author simply feels that the evidence doesn't meet that burden, and it has nothing to do with whether she teaches at a Christian seminary.

How about if we let the quality of the scholarship speak for itself, and spend less time worrying about whether or not the author has any relationship to any Christian organization. You offer that criticism constantly. It is worth nothing critically.

I'd welcome your careful argument for interpolations. You raise the possibility routinely, but offer nothing of substance for it. Let's take a look at what you've got and why you think it's there. We could start another thread.

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Nevertheless, this books seems to have something to contribute to understanding Paul in context, and provides a useful summary of competing opinions.
From the excerpt, what do you see that you consider new? While the title looks provocative, the subject matter seems to be just another popularization of an NPP variant. It might have something substantial in the subtleties, but, at least from the excerpt, it doesn't look like anything fundamentally different from what has been getting published for the last thirty years.
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Old 12-09-2009, 11:01 AM   #35
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Maybe the clash between strict Mosaic Judaism and Hellenism was a precursor to the tension between secular science and religious authorities after the Renaissance, ie modernism vs medievalism.
Hmm, the problem is that things are never that simple. Paul himself was a reformer but a puritan, perhaps more strict than the Jerusalem dignitaries (1 Cr 9:5). And Urban VIII. whose Inquisition ordered a territio verbalis (showing of the instruments) for Galileo, was actually a close friend of the scientist and quite willing to let him argue heliocentrism as a hypothesis. It was only when Galileo carricatured the Ptolemaic defender as Simplicio (simpleton) in one of his writings that his one-time friend took offense and resolved to take Galileo to account over a broken promise. Incidentally, Urban VIII., though late, was the epitomy of the Renessaince man. He also was the only pope (that I know of) who publicly admitted the possibility that God did not exist. The occasion was the death of Cardinal Richelieu, to which he is said to have commented: If God exists then the cardinal has much to answer for, if not, he did very well.

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Old 12-09-2009, 11:21 AM   #36
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Arguing for interpolation, not just in the Paulines but in any ancient text is necessarily very, very heavy burden. If we start bandying the possibility about without careful argumentation we open the door to a slippery slope, where authenticity exists at the whim of the exegete...
Why should be be a very, very heavy burden, as opposed to a medium burden or a light weight burden? After all, we know that there were interpolations routinely in various texts as a matter of course.

William Walker has discussed this issue and proposed that anyone arguing for interpolations need only meet a simple burden of proof - but he offers this as a compromise. It could be argued that, given the known interpolations, anyone arguing for authenticity must meet a heavy burden of proof.

If this leads to a slippery slope where authenticity can never be assumed, those are the breaks.
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Old 12-09-2009, 11:44 AM   #37
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Why should be be a very, very heavy burden, as opposed to a medium burden or a light weight burden? After all, we know that there were interpolations routinely in various texts as a matter of course.
I believe I explained why. If we set the bar too low, we open the door to any exegete simply screaming interpolation whenever they don't like a passage.

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William Walker has discussed this issue and proposed that anyone arguing for interpolations need only meet a simple burden of proof - but he offers this as a compromise. It could be argued that, given the known interpolations, anyone arguing for authenticity must meet a heavy burden of proof.
That isn't quite what William Walker said. I caught you out on that previous times you've cited him. One would think you'd learn.

Here's what Walker actually says on the matter, for anyone interested:

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The burden of proof clearly lies with any argument that a particular passage is an interpolation. Indeed, I would insist, at this point, upon a rigorous application of such criteria as appear applicable (e.g., the passage must be demonstrably non-Pauline in language, style, ideas, and/or implied historical milieu; and the case for interpolation is greatly strengthened if textual and/or contextual evidence can be adduced). Individual passages in otherwise authentically Pauline letters are themselves to be regarded as authentically Pauline unless convincing arguments to the contrary are advanced.
The Burden of Proof in Identifying Interpolations in the Pauline Letters (NTS 33 p.610-618)

It is Walker's position that we need to approach the Paulines with the general idea that interpolations almost certainly exist, but that we cannot assume any individual passage is interpolated unless we meet a high standard of evidence.

Walker's creates a "lighter" burden by suggesting that we can, by rigorous analysis of the epistles, identify interpolations without manuscript evidence. But he does not suggest that the burden is "light," just lighter than some would have it.

Walker's reasoning for this is exactly the same as mine. He agrees with me. Not you.

The frequency with which you've abused his work over the years leads me to strongly suspect that you either didn't read him carefully, or didn't grasp what he was saying. In either event you're ill-equipped to employ his reasoning, because you don't understand what that reasoning is.

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If this leads to a slippery slope where authenticity can never be assumed, those are the breaks.
That's not where it leads us. It leads us to a slippery slope where authenticity is taken or left by convenience.

ETA to head off quote-mining

Here's from Walker's book:

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In conclusion, it is my judgment that while the burden of proof still rests with any claim that a particular passage in the Pauline letters is a non-Pauline interpolation, the weight of this burden is considerably lighter than has been generally assumed. . .[Walker's considerations] constitute appropriate grounds for the prima facie presumption both that additional interpolations are likely to be found and that particular passages suspected on other grounds of being interpolations may well be in fact interpolations.
Interpolations in the Pauline Letters, p62 (emphasis added)

In other words, Walker suggests that passages that are already suspected of being interpolations can safely be considered interpolations by the exegete. He addresses the move from "suggested interpolation" to "claimed interpolation" is a small one. He does not suggest that those "other grounds" need be insubstantial.

Regards,
Rick Sumner
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Old 12-09-2009, 12:21 PM   #38
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On interpolation, the problem may be more related to the assumptions brought to the text.

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After reading several other book written by Pagels concerning gnosticism and gnostic beliefs, I have to say that this offering is definitely her finest. First, Pagels doesn't polemicize the issue by claiming that Paul was a gnostic or that he was strictly orthodox, but instead shows how 2nd century exegetes, both gnostic and orthodox, understood Paul. Furthermore, one of the great strengths of this work resides in the fact that Pagels allows the gnostic followers to speak for themselves by citing frequently from newly discovered gnostic texts. Instead of telling us what she believes the gnostics considered true she permits the gnostics to tell us themselves.

The book itself is broken is broken up into seven chapters and each chapter deals with an individual Pauline epistle. Interestingly enough, the gnostics, like the orthodox, also accepted Colossians, Ephesians, and Hebrews as Pauline, but they did reject the pastorals epistles. The first two chapters deal with Romans and I Corinthians and are by far the best sections of the book. Instead of interpreting the book literally as their orthodox counterparts did, the gnostics read the epistle to the Romans allegorically. Therefore, what was perceived as a treatise commenting on Jewish/Gentile relations in the church by the orthodox, the gnostics believed the text spoke about pneumatic/psychic relations. They believed Paul used such terminology secretly and that only the initiated believers could understand the real meaning behind the text. Also, of great interest to the gnostics were passages stressing grace and faith in the life of the christian. The gnostics utilized chapters 4 and 9 to stress that they themselves were saved totally by grace and the will of the Father; There was nothing they could do to lose their status because they were children of the Father.

The other interesting chapter delves into I Corinthians and attempts to uncover the gnostic meaning of the text. I thought Pagels brought up some excellent points that really seemed to strengthen the gnostic case. First, chapter 2 was heavily valued by the gnostics because in it Paul talks about wisdom and knowledge and at times seems to buttress the gnostic case. Later in chapter 15, Paul speaks of several things that the gnostics believed were absolutely damning to the orthodox case. Paul says that flesh and blood and cannot inherit the kingdom of heaven, and that corruption cannot inherit incorruption. This verse was used to condemn the idea of a physical bodily resurrection since Paul frankly states flesh and blood cannot inherit heaven. Instead, the gnostics believed the resurrection consisted of an awakening from ignorance towards God. Moreover, the idea of baptism for the dead 15:29 is something that has plagued orthodox scholars for over 20 centuries. Yet, the gnostics easily handled this verse by saying that baptism for the dead meant gnostics being baptised in the place of psyhics for their eventual salvation. Since it was the psychics who were dead, ignorant towards God, a pneumatic could be baptized in their stead and effect their awakening and journey into gnosis. The rest of the chapters deal with the other epistles listed earlier, but most of what is discussed are themes that appear in these two chapters.

One thing I noted when reading this book was the striking similarity between some gnostic beliefs and the beliefs held by the Calvinist variety of Christianity. Both groups stress man's deadness towards God and their inability to move towards God, both believe in divine election and reprobation, both believe that God's will is supreme in deciding who will be saved and who will be lost, and both believe in God's absolute sovereingty over His creation. Moreover, both believed that since salvation was effected totally by God and was a result of His election, that a believer with a divine or new nature could not be lost. These two groups even stress the same chapters of Scripture in their debates with their opponents. Chapters such as Romans 9 and Ephesians 1 were favorites of the gnostics in their disputes with the orthodox, and they are not favorites of the Calvinist's in their current disputes with Arminians. I wish I would have read this book earlier when I myself was struggling with the very same issues.
Gnostic-Paul-Exegesis-Pauline-Letters (or via: amazon.co.uk)
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Old 12-09-2009, 12:27 PM   #39
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Maybe the clash between strict Mosaic Judaism and Hellenism was a precursor to the tension between secular science and religious authorities after the Renaissance, ie modernism vs medievalism.
Hmm, the problem is that things are never that simple. Paul himself was a reformer but a puritan, perhaps more strict than the Jerusalem dignitaries (1 Cr 9:5). And Urban VIII. whose Inquisition ordered a territio verbalis (showing of the instruments) for Galileo, was actually a close friend of the scientist and quite willing to let him argue heliocentrism as a hypothesis. It was only when Galileo carricatured the Ptolemaic defender as Simplicio (simpleton) in one of his writings that his one-time friend took offense and resolved to take Galileo to account over a broken promise. Incidentally, Urban VIII., though late, was the epitomy of the Renessaince man. He also was the only pope (that I know of) who publicly admitted the possibility that God did not exist. The occasion was the death of Cardinal Richelieu, to which he is said to have commented: If God exists then the cardinal has much to answer for, if not, he did very well.

Jiri
Right, the parallels are never exact. But in our modern world of Creationists and Islamic fundamentalists there is still tension between faith and the scientific method. Independent Christians like Mennonites and Amish still resist modernism. Jehovah's Witness have a "medieval" policy against blood transfusions.

Jews in the Hellenistic period confronted a well-developed polytheistic urban culture armed with sophisticated philosophy and the beginnings of natural science. In Palestine the conflict between Maccabees and Seleucids was in part a cultural one, with "reactionaries" resisting "innovators"
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Old 12-09-2009, 12:45 PM   #40
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That isn't quite what William Walker said. I caught you out on that previous times you've cited him. One would think you'd learn.

...
And your quotes from Walker show that you are wrong, although you appear at first to be quoting from an earlier essay and not his book, Interpolations in the Pauline Letters (or via: amazon.co.uk). (see google books)

In that book, Walker specifically rejects imposing a heavy burden of proof on anyone claiming that there are interpolations, in favor of a simple burden of proof. He discusses this at p 57 ff.

He quotes Darrel Doughty as saying that the burden of proof on the authenticity of any passage should rest on those claiming authenticity, and says that he has "sympathy" for that position, but adopts a "safer position" that the burden rests with the person making the claim. Then on page 59 writes, as you quote, that the burden is "signficantly lighter than has generally been assumed."

How any of this validates your original claim that any claim of interpolation must meet a heavy, heavy burden of proof is quite beyond me.

I wonder if you actually read all of Chapter 3. :huh:
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