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Old 04-22-2010, 05:39 AM   #221
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Default More About the Manuscript Evidence (2 of 2) - James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
What about the Sahidic evidence? Ah; here the evidence is clearly stratified in favor of my opponent’s claim: the earliest Sahidic copy of Mark (from c. 425) ends at the end of 16:18; then copies with the Shorter Ending and 16:9-20 appear, and in the youngest stratum only 16:9-20 appears. But nothing whatsoever about this poses a problem for my hypothesis. Rather, this interlocks with my contention that the Alexandrian text of Mark attested in Vaticanus and Sinaiticus, and the Alexandrian text of the earliest stratum of the Sahidic version, both descend from the same Egyptian transmission-stream, in which, in the second century, Mark 16:9-20 was excised because it was regarded as a sort of temporary patch which was superseded by the Johannine Ending embedded in John 21.

Thus we see that the notion that “Every significant translated language shows evidence of a change from AE to LE” is mistaken. The only version that displays such a change is the Sahidic version, and this is on the basis of a single copy from the early 400's.

But we can do more. When we consult the Greek lectionaries – lesson-books in which Scripture-passages are arranged for reading in churches, lesson by lesson – we can see that Mark 16:9-20 was entrenched in church-use while translations such as the Armenian version were still being made and revised. Chapter 10 of Burgon’s 1871 book The Last 12 Verses of Mark Vindicated will be of service to us; readers may consult that book for the data that I will only summarize here. Mark 16:9-20 was the third of the eleven Heothina-readings, and not only in the lectionaries, but also in many rubricated copies of the Gospels, it is identified as such. Mark 16:9-20 was also assigned in the lectionaries to be read on Ascension-Day, and was the early-morning lesson on the second Sunday after Easter. In the Syrian Monophysite churches, Mark 16:9-18 was read at Easter-time; in the Gallican churches, the third lection for Easter-Tuesday was Mark 16:12-20; the Jacobite Copts read Mark 16:9-20 on Ascension-Day. The Palestinian Syriac (actually Aramaic) lectionary also included Mark 16:9-20, as one of the Heothina-readings.

And yet my opponent, and the authors of the erroneous resources upon which he has relied, would have our readers believe that Mark 16:9-20 in the 400’s – despite being used by so many patristic writers previously – was an obscure text to which the churches were just being introduced! The lectionaries demonstrate that such a claim is impossible.

Back to my opponent’s remaining concerns. I was asked about the textual variation for Mark 16:9-20 in the witnesses I listed. The variations I already noted when describing the distinctive readings of text-types are the main variants to which these MSS attest, depending on what text-type they represent.

Although my opponent invited me to point out the problems in his methodology, in the interest of brevity I will decline, inasmuch as I consider those problems so numerous and so severe that we might never get back to our main subject.

I hope that now, having covered the patristic evidence and the key aspects of the manuscript evidence, we can proceed to internal evidence, after examining the “scribal evidence” to which my opponent referred.

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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Old 04-26-2010, 05:49 AM   #222
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Default Response to Manuscript Evidence

JW:

As we move now to the Scribal category of evidence I will first briefly address some of my opponents major concerns regarding my arguments on the Manuscript category:

Regarding the many qualifications I have provided supporting that Eusebius was a textual critic, especially when compared to other early Church Fathers, my opponent goes Apologetic on me and always demands one higher level of evidence that what exists posturing that because his standard has not been met, the meeting of the next lower standard is meaningless. I can’t help being reminded of the famous “What have the Romans ever done for us?” bit from TLOB:

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ExWfh6sGyso

Especially annoying here is that Eusebius context for the issue at hand is as a textual critic. Since we specifically know that Eusebius is a textual critic for our specific issue, the question of his general description as a textual critic is relatively less important than it would be for other Fathers where there is no specific context of textual criticism. And if my opponent dismisses Eusebius as a textual critic than to be consistent he dismisses all early Fathers as textual critics and the Patristic category, for him, has little weight.

I’ll repeat also, for Jerome, who Mr. Snapp does accept as a textual critic, that Jerome is our missing link which ties the evidence for change from AE to LE together. Jerome, 400, knows that the evidence supports AE, but chooses LE, presumably because he prefers it. This observation coordinates with every category of evidence.

Regarding the Manuscript evidence of translations I’ve already indicated that translated Manuscripts are a level of evidence weaker than manuscripts in the original but if the different translation evidence agrees it packs some weight. My opponent writes:

Quote:
Regarding the evidence from early translations, my opponent stated, “Every significant translated language shows evidence of a change from AE to LE.” As I've already shown, this is simply not true! Let’s review a few versions – the Gothic, Armenian, and Old Latin.

The Gothic version: made in about 350 by Wulfilas, and attested by Codex Argenteus, the Gothic version includes Mark 16:9-20.
Gothic? My opponent can also look up the definition of “significant”. My opponent continues:

Quote:
The Armenian version: Eznik of Golb, one of the Armenian translators, used Mark 16:17-18 in his composition De Deo, in the mid-400’s, far earlier than any extant Armenian MS for the abrupt ending. The Armenian MS Etchmiadzin-229 (now recatalogued as Matenadaran 2374) includes Mk. 16:9-20, and this MS includes a colophon by the scribe Stephanas stating that its exemplars were authentic and ancient. Its covers and illustrations are older than the text-pages; C. R. Williams put their date in the 500’s and concluded that “at least one exemplar of this codex is to be dated before 550 AD,” which is centuries older than the oldest extant Armenian MS. If one picks and chooses MSS, without carefully categorizing them (a shortcoming of Colwell’s approach in his 1937 essay), one can make the evidence point any whichever way. But taken all together, the Armenian evidence, along with the Armenian-dependent Old Georgian evidence, indicates that the Gospels were translated and re-translated in the 400’s in at least two forms which continued to compete from then on.
The Manuscript category here clearly supports a change from AE to LE. Colwell has the definitive study available in the English, which authority generally accepts as demonstrating the change. The study is remarkable as it shows a later change to the LE than other categories of evidence. Szekula has the more recent and comprehensive study, not available in English, which confirms Colwell’s conclusion. Note that my opponent avoids the straight-forward conclusion that the Manuscript evidence here supports AE as original and instead makes a few indirect observations to supposedly dispute that the Armenian manuscripts do not support AE as original. My opponent does not like the populations of these two studies because he does not like the conclusion they give. Until he provides his own population we can assume he knows that the Armenian manuscripts support AE as original.

My opponent writes:
Quote:
The Old Latin version(s): referring specifically to Old Latin Codex a, that is, Codex Vercellensis, my opponent stated, “It(a) lacks sufficient space at the end for the LE (unless the scribe used the same size fonts as my opponent in his last several posts) so it is evidence against LE and is accepted as such by almost all authorities.” First, Vercellensis is just one Old Latin MS; it's not the earliest Old Latin evidence. Allowing a date c. 370 to stand, Vercellensis would be contemporary with Ambrose of Milan, who quoted from Mark 16:9-20 repeatedly. So already the idea that the evidence shows a shift from the abrupt ending to 16:9-20 is exploded by the evidence; the Old Latin evidence does not first testify to the abrupt ending and then to 16:9-20.

Second, Codex Vercellensis is extensively damaged: the text ends at the end of a page in Mk. 15:15, and the next page is one that contains the Vulgate text of 16:7 (beginning with the word galileam) – 16:20. In 1928, C. H. Turner proposed that the supplement-page began in 16:7 because the missing final leaf had originally begun at the same point. And he surmised further that if no additional leaves were originally present, then if one were to begin to write in the original copyist’s normal handwriting, the remaining space on the final leaf would not be sufficient to contain 16:9-20. However, Turner seems to have just assumed that the four obviously removed leaves were the only leaves ever at the end of the MS, and it never seems to have occurred to him that if a repairer had the original pages to consult, he would have resumed the text from 15:15, not from 16:7. And it seems to have never occurred to him that a more likely scenario is that the supplemental page containing 16:7-20 was cannibalized from a damaged copy of the Vulgate.
My opponent continues with a discussion of Codex Bobbiensis, it(k), which only has the SE, but fails to mention that at c. 400, it is the oldest Latin manuscript. Similarly, he fails to note that it(a) is the second oldest witness. Science (a mathematical calculation of the space left at the end of it(k) versus the font used before it) indicates that the LE would not fit and this conclusion (so to speak) is accepted by authority. Mr. Snapp’s proposal above is speculation. So we have the two earliest Latin witnesses lacking the LE. Enough to show the same change in the Latin from AE to LE as every other significant translated language shows.

My opponent invokes lectionary evidence into the Manuscript discussion but declines to give any firm dates. Not all that useful without dating, is it?

Regarding an invitation to develop a methodology for his position or at least critique mine until he has his own, my opponent writes:

Quote:
Although my opponent invited me to point out the problems in his methodology, in the interest of brevity I will decline, inasmuch as I consider those problems so numerous and so severe that we might never get back to our main subject.
No problem for me. As long as I have a methodology and my opponent does not, my argument is likely better.



Joseph
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Old 04-26-2010, 07:44 AM   #223
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Default The Scribal Evidence

JW:
Now for the scribal evidence. In the big picture, when we get to the category of Internal evidence, we will see that my opponent has almost no arguments supporting LE as written with the rest of “Mark”. His position is almost totally defensive. All he can do is dispute the weight of the arguments against LE. Mathematically than, he still must be left with a position on the Internal which is against LE. All he can do is try to maximize its discount. My opponent’s position on the Scribal category will be similar.

Since it’s been a while, we will start out with the starting point for the Scribal evidence, Metzger = Authority:

http://www.bible-researcher.com/endmark.html

Quote:
Bruce Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (Stuttgart, 1971), pages 122-126.

Not a few manuscripts which contain the passage have scribal notes stating that older Greek copies lack it, and in other witnesses the passage is marked with asterisks or obeli, the conventional signs used by copyists to indicate a spurious addition to a document.
So says Authority. On to Willker for some details:

http://www-user.uni-bremen.de/~wie/TCG/TC-Mark-Ends.pdf

[Translations from: http://www.textexcavation.com/marcan...s.html#uncials ]

"b) long ending with obeli/intro: f1, 22, pc12, armmss15%
c) some other comment: al59+"

“2. to the long ending:
199 (in the margin): [In some of the copies thi{s} does not stand, but ceases here. (century XII)]"

JW:
Even though 12th century evidence is relatively late it is evidence of change to LE. It witnesses that at 12th century there were some extant AE manuscripts whereas now there are only a few.

"20, 215: [From here until the end does not stand in some of the copies, but in the ancient ones all things stand without remainder. (century XI)]"

JW:
Again, relatively late, but at long last some support for my opponent for change to AE. The scribal assertion is that all older manuscripts have LE but it is some of the current ones that do not.

"f1 (1, 205, 209, 1582): [[After verse 8] In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here, until which point also Eusebius Pamphili made his canons. But in many these [following] things also are extant. (centuries X-XV)]"

JW:
Again, in centuries 10-15 some manuscripts are still AE so the change to our time is to LE.

"15, 22, 1110, 1192, 1210: [In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here. But in many these [following] things also are extant. - (centuries X-XV) ]"

JW:
Same as previous comment.

"L, Y, 083, 099, L1602, sa-mss, bo-mss:"

JW:
The short ending followed by the long ending. Note that the short ending is always listed first implying that the scribe considered the short ending older.

"138, 264, 1221, 2346, 2812: inserted obeli to separate the passage”

JW:
Here we have the standard scribal sign used to mark likely additions for centuries 10-12.

A translated language where we have significant scribal evidence is Armenian. Again, evidence in a translated language is a level less than the original language but can have some weight if it has scope. Colwell has done the most detailed related study that I am aware of which is available in English:

Mark 16:9-20 in the Armenian Version Author(s): Ernest Cadman Colwell Source: Journal of Biblical Literature, Vol. 56, No. 4 (Dec., 1937), pp. 369-386

To give perspective Colwell’s overall numbers are 220 total Manuscripts, 88 with LE without qualification, 33 with LE with qualification and 99 with AE.

Colwell’s list of 33 with qualification:

Quote:
LIST III ARM. MSS WHOSE INCLUSION OF MK 16 9-20 SHOWS EARLIER OMISSION
Vienna Mekhitarists 342 1323 ("an independent chapter")
272 1378 (set off by red lines)
59 XII-XIII (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
107 XVI-XVII (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
70 1560 (in a second hand)
252 1691 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
283 1628 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
295 XV (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
322 XIV-XV (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
Oxford Bodleian d. 4 1335 (after "this is an addition")
Venice St. Lazarus 89 1233 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
90 1254 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
97 1231 (after "Gos. acc. Mk" twice)
100 1256 (after "another Gos. Mk"'
125 1193 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
129 1229-30 (after "another Gos. Mk")
151 1244 (after blank page)
105 1661 (after an ornament)
Paris Bib. Nat. Suppl. Arm. 133 XVII (after "Gos. acc. Mk" twice)
Arm. 4 XVII (after "Gos. acc. Mk, read on ascension day, John
Mkrtoum")s
Venice St. Lazarus 152 1269 (after "this other Gos. Mk")
168 1313 (after "acc. Mk")
178 1661 (after "besides there is this gospel")
1 1319 (after "Gos. acc. Mk" and ref. to Ascension day)
3 1648 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
5 XIII (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
7 1656 ("set off")
12 1332 (after "acc. Mk")
London Brit. Mus. Or. 5626 1282 (after blank space)
Or. 2681 1484 (after "Gos. acc. Mk")
Or. 5761 XVI (in small script after "Read for the ascension: acc. to Mk")
Add. 7940 ca.1600 (after "Gos. acc. Mk-to be read for the ascension")
Cambridge Univ. Add. 2620 1217 (after a blank space)
And a summary of the qualifications:

1)Separated from the rest of “Mark”

2) Follows “Gospel according to “Mark” (placed after 16:8)

3) Written in a different hand

4) Marked “This is an addition”

5) Marked “Another Gospel Mark”

6) Marked “Gospel according to Mark read on ascension day”

Note than that in the Armenian the Scribal evidence against the LE is much more significant than it is in the Greek, qualitatively and quantitatively. While we are on the Armenian the Manuscript evidence here is far more supportive of the AE than the Greek as a majority of Manuscripts from the early centuries are AE. Also note that the Scribal evidence for the Armenian again coordinates with the scribal evidence for the Greek showing that up until the 10th century there are still significant quantities of Manuscripts with AE. By the 12th century this changes and by the 14th century most manuscripts are LE.

Since there is not much scribal evidence here I’ll go straight to weighing the criteria:

Now to analyze the data for External Scribal evidence by criteria. The Scribal sources:

Against LE:
199 (in the margin): [In some of the copies thi{s} does not stand, but ceases here. (century XII)]
f1 (1, 205, 209, 1582): [[After verse 8] In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here, until which point also Eusebius Pamphili made his canons. But in many these [following] things also are extant. (centuries X-XV)]
15, 22, 1110, 1192, 1210: [In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here. But in many these [following] things also are extant. - (centuries X-XV) ]
L, Y, 083, 099, L1602, [long ending follows short]
138, 264, 1221, 2346, 2812:” inserted obeli to separate the passage”
33 Armenian Manuscripts
For LE:
20, 215: [From here until the end does not stand in some of the copies, but in the ancient ones all things stand without remainder. (century XI)]
For purposes of comparing evidence for and against LE the weighting will be as follows:

High advantage = 3
Medium advantage = 2
Low advantage = 1

Criteria ranked in order of weight:

1 – Age.
Some of the evidence against is 10th century versus 11th century for the for evidence. 1 to against.

2 - Confirmation – quantity.
For only has two hits. Big advantage to against. 2 to against.

3 - External force. Lesser = more weight. What external force, if any, is affecting the category.
Another big edge to against as all Patristic believe in a resurrection sighting creating an expectation of one in related narrative. 3 against.

4 – Consistency. The summary of the Scribal evidence that in centuries 10-15 all extant manuscripts have LE but all refer to significant quantities of manuscripts in the time of the extant manuscript that lacked LE coordinates perfectly with all other categories of external evidence, Patristic and Manuscript. AE starts out as dominant through the fifth century. The 6th century transitions to the LE. By the 10th century the LE is dominant but there are still many AE manuscripts. By our time the AE is close to extinct. 3 to against.

Summary of Patristic evidence in order of weight:

1 – Age. Against = 1

2 - Confirmation – quantity. Against = 2

3 - External force. Against = 3

4 – Consistency. Against = 3.

Totals:

Against 3 = 2 criteria

Against 2 = 1 criterion

Against 1 = 1 criterion

Conclusion = The Scribal category of evidence is strongly against LE due to:

1 – all 4 criteria favoring Against.

2 - 2 of these 4 criteria being 3
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Old 05-07-2010, 07:39 AM   #224
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Default Scribal Evidence - 1 of 2 (Preface) - James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
We’ve examined evidence from manuscripts, from patristic writings, from versions, and from lectionaries. What is left, before we proceed to the internal evidence? Not much. The “scribal evidence” consists of a smattering of scribal notes in medieval manuscripts. These notes descend from an earlier transmission-stream influenced by MSS from Caesarea. Before we explore that, though, let’s revisit the seven subjects with which my opponent prefaced his post about “scribal evidence.”

(1) Regarding Eusebius: in all his extant writings, Eusebius makes a total of four text-critical about the NT text. That does not turn Eusebius into a textual critic. My opponent seemed to suggest that since the early patristic writers were not textual critics, we ought to dismiss their testimony. That would be unreasonable. The chief goal of the research into the patristic writings is not to gauge the writers’ text-critical skill; it is to discern the contents of their manuscripts.

(2) Regarding Jerome: Jerome’s testimony in Ad Hedibiam is a paraphrased extract from Eusebius’ Ad Marinum. Jerome did exactly what he elsewhere admitted that he sometimes did: he conserved time and effort by putting correspondents in touch with the opinions of earlier authors. Jerome included Mark 16:9-20 when he produced the Vulgate Gospels in 383. Decades later he used 16:14 to describe the location of the Freer Logion. A few years after that he recast Ad Marinum so as to guide Hedibia to harmonize Mark 16:9 to Matthew 28:1. The claim that Jerome “knows that the evidence supports AE” collides with the evidence of Jerome’s persistent acceptance of 16:9-20. And we should not fail to appreciate that Jerome only repeated Eusebius’ claim about the quantity of MSS without 16:9-20; Jerome did not trust in simple majorities but instead tended to favor readings in the most ancient MSS.

(3) Regarding the Gothic version: my opponent, instead of admitting an error, dismissed the Gothic version as if it is not a significant early version! The Gothic version was produced about 60 years before work on the Armenian version began, and the earliest copy of Mark in the Gothic Version – Codex Argenteus – is centuries older than the oldest extant Armenian copy of Mark. Let us decline the blinders that my opponent is offering to share.

(4) Regarding the Armenian version: my opponent, like Metzger and other writers, has relied on Colwell’s 1937 essay about the treatment of the ending of Mark in copies of the Armenian version. I avoid Colwell’s “straight-forward conclusion that the Manuscript evidence here supports AE as original” because subsequent research by Birdsall indicates that the evidence of the Armenian and Georgian versions – which are related to each other as parent-and-child – is accounted for by a model of (at least) two competing text-forms, with the competition extending all the way back to the 400’s, rather than a model in which a later text-form replaced an earlier one. This is consistent with the Armenian accounts of how the Armenian version was made and re-made in the early 400’s. Contrary to my opponent’s claim that I don’t like the populations of these two studies, I consider them completely consistent with the hypothesis of dueling text-forms within the Armenian tradition. We will revisit the Armenian evidence shortly.

(5) Regarding Codex Bobbiensis: my opponent gave it a date of “c. 400,” and claimed that this makes it “the oldest Latin manuscript.” The date is a palaeographical approximation; Codex Vercellensis is older. But it would be fallacious to reconstruct the Latin text’s transmission-history according to the durability of different parchments and the weather they experienced. All the Old Latin manuscripts, even medieval ones, echo readings that preceded the production of the Vulgate in 383. It would be misguided to regard the text of any Old Latin MS as older than the text of another Old Latin MS merely because of a difference in the ages of the parchments on which they are written.

There is a more realistic way to ascertain the ages of the texts in Old Latin copies: by comparing them to texts used by patristic writers. The variants in Codex Bobbiensis tend to align with variants in the writings of Cyprian, who wrote around the mid-200’s in North Africa. This has led some researchers to conclude that the text of Mark in Codex Bobbiensis existed in the mid-200’s. Nothing in that theory is problematic for the hypothesis I have presented about how the abrupt ending of Mark originated and spread. However, the theory needs to be reconsidered anyway, as far as the text of Mark is concerned, because Cyprian did not quote substantially from Mark. The 69% agreement-rate consists almost exclusively of agreements between Cyprian’s text of Matthew and the text of Matthew in Codex Bobbiensis. So it would be rather hazardous to use this meager evidence to assign any particular reading in Mark in Codex Bobbiensis to the time of Cyprian.

(6) Regarding Codex Vercellensis: I already described the questionable assumptions involved in C.H. Turner’s case that it originally lacked Mark 16:9-20. Notice the spin that my opponent puts on things: when Turner forms a hypothesis, it’s “science;” when I form a different and more reasonable hypothesis, it’s “speculation.” The evidence simply does not allow a firm conclusion about the original contents of Codex Vercellensis at the end of Mark, either for or against 16:9-20.

Now, my opponent called Bobbiensis and Vercellensis “the two earliest Latin witnesses.” But that is not the case. Ambrose’s citations are earlier. Jerome’s Vulgate is earlier than Bobbiensis. The copies used by Augustine are earlier or contemporary. And the other Old Latin witnesses, which clearly support 16:9-20, descend from Latin copies produced before the Vulgate. There is no shift from AE to LE in the Latin evidence, because at no point does the AE dominate any Latin transmission-stream. The AE is not extant in a single Latin manuscript.

(7) Regarding lectionaries, my opponent stated that I declined to give dates. I plainly gave a reference for further details about this. Augustine’s lectionary in North Africa dates to the early 400’s; Chrysostom’s lectionary in Antioch and Constantinople is at least that old (Chrysostom states that it began in an earlier generation); Peter Chrysologus used the lectionary in the 450’s. The shift that my opponent posits, in which Mark 16:9-20 goes from being a rarely-found passage in the early 400’s to being a passage included in several lectionaries at the same time, must be very rapid. Extremely rapid. Unbelievably rapid!

On to the “scribal evidence.”

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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Old 05-08-2010, 12:25 PM   #225
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Default Scribal Evidence - 2 of 2 - James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
My opponent's survey of the "scribal evidence" relied on Metzger’s vague and misleading statements. Let’s first take a closer look at the copies mentioned by Metzger, remembering that Mark 16:9-20 is present in each and every one of them. The annotations may be organized as follows:

One note (MS #199) says only that some copies do not contain 16:9-20.
Ten notes (#1, 15, 22, 205, 205abs, 209, 1110, 1192, 1582, and 1210) say that some copies do not contain 16:9-20 but many copies do contain it.
Three notes (#20, 215, and 300) say that some copies do not contain 16:9-20 but the ancient copies do contain it.

Contrary to the impression given by Metzger, not one note says that the more ancient copies do not contain 16:9-20. The annotations tend to affirm the reliability of 16:9-20 rather than draw it into question. More significantly, the identical or nearly identical wording in these notes shows that we are looking at genealogically related material. The note in 199 may originate from an independent source, but the annotation attested by Codices 1 and 1582 is older than any of these individual copies. We have here two or three statements by scholiasts, not 14 statements from 14 medieval copyists.

Setting aside the short note in MS 199 in its own compartment, the remaining two annotations are closely related, and the shorter form is secondary to the form attested in MSS 1 and 1582. The clause about the Eusebian Canons did not make sense when and where the Eusebian Canons had been reformatted to include 16:9-20, and copyists who perceived this excised that clause for that reason.

Regarding the format of the Greek witnesses that attest to both the Short Ending and 16:9-20, my opponent theorizes that the SE “is always listed first implying that the scribe considered the short ending older,” but such telepathy is unwarranted. The SE was placed after 16:8 because at that place it can be conveniently used to happily conclude a lection which would otherwise end at the end of v. 8; meanwhile the SE would be superfluous after 16:20.

While these witnesses are in view, we should notice that the annotations preceding 16:9-20 in L, Psi, and 083 are too nearly identical to be independent. This annotation echoes an older ancestor of all three. Likewise, the format in Codex 099 is similar to the format in the Greek-Sahidic lectionary 1602: in both, after the SE, the last part of 16:8 is repeated before 16:9 begins. It is important to notice these details which indicate a close connection between these witnesses and which places their origin, or the origin of their texts, in Egypt.

What about the copies with, as Metzger put it, “asterisks or obeli”? Do MSS 138, 264, 1221, 2346, and 2812 insert obeli to separate the passage? I challenge the accuracy of the sources upon which my opponent has relied. MS 138 is one of dozens of copies supplemented by the catena-commentary of Victor of Antioch; Burgon reported that it does not have an asterisk. MS 2346 does not have an obelus; it has a benign superscripted lozenge. I invite my opponent to present evidence – not just claims – that these obeli exist, that they are original, and that they do not serve a benign purpose such as referring the reader to marginalia.

Having so quickly exhausted the Greek “scribal evidence,” my opponent returned to Colwell’s study of the Armenian version’s treatment of Mark 16:9-20. Over 2,000 Armenian MSS are extant, but Colwell’s survey of 220 Armenian copies will continue to be used until something better comes along. (A few copies in Colwell’s “List III” do not belong there; the features in five of the 33 copies that are supposed to show “earlier omission” can be accounted for more readily as lectionary-related rubrics or simple decorations. Also, Colwell’s frugal description of Armenian MS 2620 does not do justice to its actual format of the text.) Colwell showed that 99 of the copies he examined do not have Mark 16:9-20. Colwell also showed that over two dozen Armenian copies that include Mark 16:9-20 feature scribal notes expressing reservations about the passage. We can all agree that this is real “scribal evidence” against Mark 16:9-20.

Those medieval scribal notes in the Armenian copies are results of instability in the Armenian transmission-stream. When considering the Armenian evidence, we should first realize that most later Armenian copies exhibit what may be called the Cilician form of the Armenian text, which has some imported features. If we set aside copies with the Cilician form of text, and focus on the older copies, and on copies descended from exemplars unaffected by the Cilician form, we will have a better picture of the early transmission-history of the Armenian text. Using Colwell’s data, if we set aside MSS made after the 1300’s, we are left with 65 copies, 43 of which end Mark at 16:8 and 22 of which include 16:9-20: two-thirds for non-inclusion and one-third for inclusion. This shows that although the rise of the Cilician form caused a later rise in favor of the inclusion of Mark 16:9-20, two earlier forms of the Armenian version already existed, and in one of those forms, Mark 16:9-20 was part of the text.

As I mentioned already, the Armenian writer and translator Eznik of Golb used Mark 16:17-18 in his composition De Deo c. 440. Jumping forward a few centuries, we find Mark 16:9-20 in Armenian MS Matenadaran 2374, produced in 989. Among its interesting features (including the rubric “Of Ariston the Elder” added interlinearly before 16:9) is a note by a monk named Stephanus, who commissioned the production of this codex. The note states that the manuscript’s exemplars were authentic and old. According to researcher C. R. Williams, Stephanus also states that the covers and the pictures bound with this codex belong to the first half of the 500’s. It is not as if the Armenian MSS all omitted 16:9-20 until medieval revisors came along.

I agree completely with the sentiment of some of what my opponent said about the Armenian evidence: some Armenian copyists expressed reservations about the legitimacy of Mark 16:9-20. That is because the base-text used in a secondary stage of the production of the Armenian translation in the 400’s either did not contain Mark 16:9-20, or presented it with a cautionary note that elicited its rejection by (some of) the Armenian translators.

From where did the Armenians translators of the 430’s obtain the exemplars that they used for this secondary revision? Early Armenian biographers provide the answer: they got their exemplars from Constantinople. When we compare the textual affinities of the Armenian version to Greek MSS, we see that the Armenian text (like the Georgian text translated from it) resembles the “Caesarean” text found in MSS such as Codices 1 and 1582 more than any other text-form. And in those Greek MSS we find the sort of note that could have led the Armenians to reject Mark 16:9-20. It is intriguing to wonder if the Armenians used one of the same 50 exemplars prepared by Eusebius, and if – by the time the Armenians got it – it contained Mark 16:9-20 accompanied by a cautionary note. But in any event, the thing to see is that the Armenian “scribal evidence” against the inclusion of Mark 16:9-20 is a symptom of already-existing instability within the Armenian transmission-stream that goes all the way back to the translators in the 400’s who relied heavily on codices from Constantinople – copies of the codices produced under the supervision of Eusebius, if not one of those very codices.

Now let’s analyze the “scribal evidence.” My opponent listed the copyist of MS 199 as a witness against Mark 16:9-20. But the note in 199 is neutral; it merely says something that anyone who had read Eusebius’ “Ad Marinum” or Victor’s catena-commentary could say: some copies don’t have verses 9-20. My opponent also listed f-1 as a witness against Mark 16:9-20. But the note in some f-1 members defends the passage: the evidence of “some” copies, and the evidence of the Eusebian Canons, is overruled by “many” copies. The shorter forms of this note also favor inclusion, comparing “some” copies that lack the passage to “many copies” or “the ancient copies” that include it. In MS 1582, there is also a scribal note alongside Mark 16:19, mentioning that Irenaeus cited the passage in the third book of Against Heresies. And my opponent proposes to categorize the scholiast who wrote this as a witness against Mark 16:9-20??

There is no Greek “scribal evidence” rejecting Mark 16:9-20; the closest thing to it, not already considered in our review of the manuscript-evidence, is the cautionary scholium (preserved in its most intact form in 1 and 1582) that states that some copies end at 16:8, and so do the Eusebian Canons, but many copies (or, the ancient copies) contain 16:9-20, and the short note in MS 199. That’s essentially two notes, perpetuated in less than 20 copies. The background of this note can be discerned. Codex 1582 was made by Ephraim the Scribe, who did not just copy his exemplars; he aspired to replicate them, including their marginalia. (For details see K. W. Kim’s article “Codices 1582, 1739, and Origen” in the June 1950 issue of Journal of Biblical Literature.) Ephraim’s annotated exemplar was probably produced in the late 400’s, and it was probably made in Caesarea, although Ephraim himself worked in Constantinople. These notes echo a scholiast at Caesarea in the mid-400’s who had access to the library there. He chose to follow an exemplar that included Mark 16:9-20; via this scholium he defends his decision.

The “scribal evidence” may be summarized as follows: 99% of the medieval Greek-writing copyists expressed no reluctance whatsoever to include Mark 16:9-20. 5,000 or so Latin copyists expressed no reluctance about including Mark 16:9-20. Over 500 Armenian copyists expressed no reluctance about including Mark 16:9-20. If we focus exclusively on those copyists who explicitly expressed an opinion about Mark 16:9-20, we find that one Greek-writing copyist (in MS 199) made a short neutral comment mentioning that some copies did not contain 16:9-20, and about a dozen Greek-writing copyists (in family-1 and related MSS) reproduced a scholium originally written by a fifth-century annotator who had access to the library at Caesarea, in which the scholiast affirmed that some copies did not contain 16:9-20, and that the Eusebian Canons ended at 16:8, but that many MSS (or, the ancient ones) contained the passage. And about 30 medieval Armenian copyists, aware of copies that lacked 16:9-20, explicitly denoted 16:9-20 as something other than a normal part of the Gospel of Mark.

All of this belongs on the scales. (We should also place there the Greek and Syriac individuals in late 300’s or early 400’s who adjusted the Eusebian Canons to include Mark 16:9-20.) But placing an Armenian copy from the year 1648 (!) on the scales as if it is an independent witness would be like placing each and every Greek miniscule on the scales as if each one is an independent witness. Awareness of the relationships of these scribal witnesses is vital to understanding their significance. And when we consider those relationships, almost all of these scribal comments are shown to echo the influence of a shared ancestor: the library at Caesarea, where Eusebius worked, and where Vaticanus and Sinaiticus were produced.

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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Old 05-08-2010, 09:55 PM   #226
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For almost all of Mark, there are no John parallels/Cf's, according to The Five Gospels list. Never more than 2 in a row. 26 total.

But the last 10 sayings in a row, all of a sudden, are all in John. At the end, all of a sudden, it's the same Jesus speaking. But not the added on part. Doesn't belong.
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Old 05-10-2010, 07:26 AM   #227
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JW:
One of the few things my opponent and I agree on is that we are reaching diminishing returns in our analysis of the Patristic evidence. I must comment though on the following related comment of my opponent:
Quote:
The chief goal of the research into the patristic writings is not to gauge the writers’ text-critical skill; it is to discern the contents of their manuscripts.
Regarding Patristic testimony credibility is probably the most important criterion. Text-critical skill is probably the second most important quality of credibility next to objectivity. To the extent Patristic testimony has a text-critical skill, it is a qualitative evidence that extends exponentially beyond the evidence of individual manuscripts. A key factor is placement. Was the Patristic placed to be personally aware of a large number of Manuscripts? Was the Patristic placed to have interaction with Patristics over a large geographical range? Was the Patristic placed to have access to previous Patristic commentary on the subject?

As I’ve pointed out Eusebius/Jerome possess all these qualities relative to other Patristics.
They thus give qualitative evidence against LE as opposed to the quantity of Manuscripts with LE that can only give quantitative support for LE. Eusebius/Jerome are completely consistent with all other categories of evidence showing that in their time, the AE dominated, in the middle ages the evidence was mixed and in modern times the LE dominated. My opponent wants to exorcise the qualitative testimony of Eusebius/Jerome here because he does not like the conclusion it leads to and his objection is based on the criterion of directness. However, the indirect text-critical observations of Eusebius and Jerome only have weakness in the directness criterion, but boy do they have strength in the scope criteria. Again, that is the purpose of using criteria here, all criteria are weighed and evidenced is not denied because of weakness in one criterion.
My opponent writes:
Quote:
(4) Regarding the Armenian version: my opponent, like Metzger and other writers, has relied on Colwell’s 1937 essay about the treatment of the ending of Mark in copies of the Armenian version. I avoid Colwell’s “straight-forward conclusion that the Manuscript evidence here supports AE as original” because subsequent research by Birdsall indicates that the evidence of the Armenian and Georgian versions – which are related to each other as parent-and-child – is accounted for by a model of (at least) two competing text-forms, with the competition extending all the way back to the 400’s, rather than a model in which a later text-form replaced an earlier one. This is consistent with the Armenian accounts of how the Armenian version was made and re-made in the early 400’s. Contrary to my opponent’s claim that I don’t like the populations of these two studies, I consider them completely consistent with the hypothesis of dueling text-forms within the Armenian tradition. We will revisit the Armenian evidence shortly.
Again, the weight of Armenian is limited because it is a translation but Colwell clearly demonstrates that its Manuscript and Scribal categories are against LE and my opponent indirectly confesses that Authority accepts these conclusions. As I also mentioned Szekula has written a more recent and comprehensive similar study with the same conclusion, also accepted as authoritative by authority. There is simply no disputing that a simple analysis of extant Armenian shows clear change from AE to LE. My opponent presents a theory that the explanation is simply two competing textual traditions. Of course there are two traditions, AE and LE. No one denies that. This is a conclusion though and not evidence. You don’t use conclusions to determine evidence. Er, at least you are not supposed to. In the Manuscript category you add up the Manuscript evidence and determine which conclusion it supports. In the Scribal category and Authority category you do the same. What you do not do is use a conclusion to weigh the Manuscript evidence.

The other problem with my opponent’s apology here is that Authority, which is the category he appeals to here to try to undo the Manuscript evidence, has the opposite conclusion. The Armenian textual tradition of AE is clearly the older one based on similarities in texts to older, likely exemplars.

My opponent writes regarding lectionaires:

Quote:
(7) Regarding lectionaries, my opponent stated that I declined to give dates. I plainly gave a reference for further details about this. Augustine’s lectionary in North Africa dates to the early 400’s; Chrysostom’s lectionary in Antioch and Constantinople is at least that old (Chrysostom states that it began in an earlier generation); Peter Chrysologus used the lectionary in the 450’s. The shift that my opponent posits, in which Mark 16:9-20 goes from being a rarely-found passage in the early 400’s to being a passage included in several lectionaries at the same time, must be very rapid. Extremely rapid. Unbelievably rapid!
Thanks for the date. My opponent wants to place lectionaries in the Manuscript category but this is Patristic evidence. The significance is that in the 5th century the AE still dominates the Manuscripts. We have not seen any evidence yet to contradict that observation. What we do see, as evidenced by the lectionaries, is that by the 5th century the Patristics are selecting the LE. Not based on the manuscript evidence or the text-critical evidence of Eusebius/Jerome, but based on what they prefer.

Note that “Mark” as a source for a sermon with the AE would seem to be lacking something, like, I don’t know, maybe a resurrection? Certainly if “Mark’s” turn were up and the place was the Empty Tomb ending, a Patristic would rather use the LE than the AE. This is exactly what we see in the previously discussed Armenian scribal history. The LE is noted as being read on Ascension Day. We have the external force of formal sermons by the 5th century where the Gospels alternate as the source and seeing as the resurrection is the heart of Christianity, the LE is a very good (best) source for “Mark’s” turn and the AE is a very bad (worst) source for “Mark’s” turn. Hence the pressure starts building in the 5th century for LE in the Manuscripts since it’s now in the sermons.

Again, note the coordination (so to speak), between a transition to LE in the Manuscripts and the reason to transition (external pressure) at the same time (5th century).


Joseph

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Old 05-29-2010, 02:35 PM   #228
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Default Response to Scribal Evidence (2 of 2)

JW:
Regarding specific scribal notes I think it will be most efficient if I organize this exchange by the same order I used to present the evidence with Mr. Snapp’s objections placed next to the individual evidence:

Against LE:
199 (in the margin): [In some of the copies thi{s} does not stand, but ceases here. (century XII)] = JW

Quote:
Now let’s analyze the “scribal evidence.” My opponent listed the copyist of MS 199 as a witness against Mark 16:9-20. But the note in 199 is neutral; it merely says something that anyone who had read Eusebius’ “Ad Marinum” or Victor’s catena-commentary could say: some copies don’t have verses 9-20.
= JS

JW:
This creates doubt as to the LE. Remember that the debate question is the originality of the LE and not the AE. Any evidence of textual variation at the end of “Mark” questions the LE. The related implication is that this scribe concedes that there are quality manuscripts without LE. Why else would a scribe make a note in a Manuscript unless they accepted quality evidence for the alternative? This is not a commentary, this is a Manuscript, which generally only list alternatives if they have quality evidence. The other attribute of note here is the age XII century. Bad for the Age criterion but very good for the Change criterion. Even at the XII century there are still some AE Manuscripts while in our time the extant AE is rare (in Greek).

f1 (1, 205, 209, 1582): [[After verse 8] In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here, until which point also Eusebius Pamphili made his canons. But in many these [following] things also are extant. (centuries X-XV)]

Quote:
My opponent also listed f-1 as a witness against Mark 16:9-20. But the note in some f-1 members defends the passage: the evidence of “some” copies, and the evidence of the Eusebian Canons, is overruled by “many” copies.
JW:
No argument that in the Middle Ages, the LE dominated. But all the points above still apply. Plus, the qualitative evidence, invoking Eusebius, indicates the evidence is against LE.If this was the only Patristic reference here I would count it as for LE. But this Manuscript also invokes Eusebius’ Canon which trumps Irenaeus in every suit.

15, 22, 1110, 1192, 1210: [In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here. But in many these [following] things also are extant. - (centuries X-XV)]

Quote:
My opponent also listed f-1 as a witness against Mark 16:9-20. But the note in some f-1 members defends the passage: the evidence of “some” copies, and the evidence of the Eusebian Canons, is overruled by “many” copies.
JW:
No argument that in the Middle Ages, the LE dominated. But all the points above still apply. Plus, the qualitative evidence, invoking Eusebius, indicates the evidence is against LE.

Quote:
In MS 1582, there is also a scribal note alongside Mark 16:19, mentioning that Irenaeus cited the passage in the third book of Against Heresies. And my opponent proposes to categorize the scholiast who wrote this as a witness against Mark 16:9-20??
JW:
If this was the only Patristic reference here I would count it as for LE. But this Manuscript also invokes Eusebius’ Canon which trumps Irenaeus in every suit.

15, 22, 1110, 1192, 1210: [In some of the copies the evangelist is fulfilled until here. But in many these [following] things also are extant. - (centuries X-XV) ]

JW:
See 199 comment.

L, Y, 083, 099, L1602, [long ending follows short]

Quote:
Regarding the format of the Greek witnesses that attest to both the Short Ending and 16:9-20, my opponent theorizes that the SE “is always listed first implying that the scribe considered the short ending older,” but such telepathy is unwarranted. The SE was placed after 16:8 because at that place it can be conveniently used to happily conclude a lection which would otherwise end at the end of v. 8; meanwhile the SE would be superfluous after 16:20.
JW:
My opponent states as fact that two different endings placed after 16:8 have nothing to do with textual criticism (and accuses me of having telepathy here). Consider that this would be standard procedure for textual criticism (listing two alternatives) combined with the location that is not only known to have a significant textual criticism issue but this issue is in fact the source of this debate. Aland takes the secondary position here as a major argument against LE. Again, we have standard Scribal use that the first listed is considered the first option and the second listed is considered the second option. Manuscripts are for the text and not commentary. Alternatives are only listed if significant and in standard form to minimize distraction from the text.

138, 264, 1221, 2346, 2812:” inserted obeli to separate the passage”

Quote:
What about the copies with, as Metzger put it, “asterisks or obeli”? Do MSS 138, 264, 1221, 2346, and 2812 insert obeli to separate the passage? I challenge the accuracy of the sources upon which my opponent has relied. MS 138 is one of dozens of copies supplemented by the catena-commentary of Victor of Antioch; Burgon reported that it does not have an asterisk. MS 2346 does not have an obelus; it has a benign superscripted lozenge. I invite my opponent to present evidence – not just claims – that these obeli exist, that they are original, and that they do not serve a benign purpose such as referring the reader to marginalia.
JW:
So my opponent has discovered skepticism. Excellent. Since authority accepts these Marks “[I][COLOR=black]asterisks or obeli” it is up to my opponent to provide evidence that authority is wrong. Burgon said 138 did not have an asterisk and not that it did not have anything. Understand dear Reader? 2346 does not have an obelus, it has a lozenge. Again we have the amazing coincidence of a mark at the exact spot of textual variation and we know in general that marks were a standard scribal sign to indicate a later/questionable tradition. We know specifically that in the Armenian such marks definitely indicated a secondary tradition.

33 Armenian Manuscripts

Quote:
Colwell also showed that over two dozen Armenian copies that include Mark 16:9-20 feature scribal notes expressing reservations about the passage. We can all agree that this is real “scribal evidence” against Mark 16:9-20.
JW:
Hallelujah, amen.

Quote:
From where did the Armenians translators of the 430’s obtain the exemplars that they used for this secondary revision? Early Armenian biographers provide the answer: they got their exemplars from Constantinople. When we compare the textual affinities of the Armenian version to Greek MSS, we see that the Armenian text (like the Georgian text translated from it) resembles the “Caesarean” text found in MSS such as Codices 1 and 1582 more than any other text-form. And in those Greek MSS we find the sort of note that could have led the Armenians to reject Mark 16:9-20. It is intriguing to wonder if the Armenians used one of the same 50 exemplars prepared by Eusebius, and if – by the time the Armenians got it – it contained Mark 16:9-20 accompanied by a cautionary note. But in any event, the thing to see is that the Armenian “scribal evidence” against the inclusion of Mark 16:9-20 is a symptom of already-existing instability within the Armenian transmission-stream that goes all the way back to the translators in the 400’s who relied heavily on codices from Constantinople – copies of the codices produced under the supervision of Eusebius, if not one of those very codices.
JW:
Previously my opponent painted a picture of Eusebius’ textual influence being under house arrest in Caesarea. Now his influence extends all the way to Constantinople (at least for purposes of this point). No argument that the early Armenian resembles the Caesarean. But my opponent misses the middleman here, the Byzantine text of Constantinople. The comparison works the other way too. The Armenian evidences an early Byzantine text (certainly earlier than most extant Byzantine texts) that lacked the LE. Note that again the Scribal evidence undercuts the main advantage of the LE, quantity. Most of the quantity of the LE is Byzantine and here we have evidence that even the original Byzantine was against LE.

For LE:
20, 215: [From here until the end does not stand in some of the copies, but in the ancient ones all things stand without remainder. (century XI)]

Quote:
Three notes (#20, 215, and 300) say that some copies do not contain 16:9-20 but the ancient copies do contain it.
JW:
Source for “300” please. None of the main sources identified in this Thread mention it.

Quote:
The shorter forms of this note also favor inclusion, comparing “some” copies that lack the passage to “many copies” or “the ancient copies” that include it.
JW:
I accept the wording with “ancient” to be support for LE.

Quote:
There is no Greek “scribal evidence” rejecting Mark 16:9-20; the closest thing to it, not already considered in our review of the manuscript-evidence, is the cautionary scholium (preserved in its most intact form in 1 and 1582) that states that some copies end at 16:8, and so do the Eusebian Canons, but many copies (or, the ancient copies) contain 16:9-20, and the short note in MS 199. That’s essentially two notes, perpetuated in less than 20 copies. The background of this note can be discerned. Codex 1582 was made by Ephraim the Scribe, who did not just copy his exemplars; he aspired to replicate them, including their marginalia. (For details see K. W. Kim’s article “Codices 1582, 1739, and Origen” in the June 1950 issue of Journal of Biblical Literature.) Ephraim’s annotated exemplar was probably produced in the late 400’s, and it was probably made in Caesarea, although Ephraim himself worked in Constantinople. These notes echo a scholiast at Caesarea in the mid-400’s who had access to the library there. He chose to follow an exemplar that included Mark 16:9-20; via this scholium he defends his decision.
JW:
My opponent is correct that there is no Greek scribal evidence rejecting LE but there is evidence against it. Note that the only evidence here accepted by Authority that my opponent does not likewise accept is also the best evidence against LE, the marks separating the LE from the rest of “Mark”. Just a coincidence? There’s quite a distance between Ephraim and Eusebius in many ways so saying that Ephraim’s exemplar was “probably” produced in Caesarea mid-400 is quite speculative. It would not support my opponent though anyway. Presumably a scribe like Ephraim had numerous references he could choose. What’s important here is what Ephraim chose. The only related clear why is because Ephraim thought it supported a textual variant.

Quote:
The “scribal evidence” may be summarized as follows: 99% of the medieval Greek-writing copyists expressed no reluctance whatsoever to include Mark 16:9-20. 5,000 or so Latin copyists expressed no reluctance about including Mark 16:9-20. Over 500 Armenian copyists expressed no reluctance about including Mark 16:9-20.
JW:
99% is correct but misleading. Scribes are primarily interested in the Manuscript and not commenting in the margins. Most scribes don’t make any comment on a particular verse so we don’t know what they thought about it. That’s why the few comments we do have are so important. When my opponent wrote “over 500” for the Armenian he must have just read Paul as he knows Colwell’s study only included 220 manuscripts total.

Quote:
Awareness of the relationships of these scribal witnesses is vital to understanding their significance. And when we consider those relationships, almost all of these scribal comments are shown to echo the influence of a shared ancestor: the library at Caesarea, where Eusebius worked, and where Vaticanus and Sinaiticus were produced.
JW:
I’ve already indicated that my opponent’s argument that all the scribal doubt here to LE is dependent, is just speculation, but the related contradiction is that Eusebius’ manuscripts would not have even had LE, unlike the Manuscripts with the Scribal comments here, so the dependency theory is contradicted by the very subject of this debate.
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Old 05-30-2010, 08:02 PM   #229
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Default Scribal Evidence, Part 3 James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
As we near our investigation of the internal evidence, there are just a few things to clarify.

My opponent proposed that credibility is “probably the most important criterion” when gauging the importance of patristic writings. This is not the case. If it were the case, we would have good reasons to rate Irenaeus’ testimony higher than all others. Not only does Irenaeus predate Eusebius by over a century, but Irenaeus favored the earliest manuscripts. Augustine, too, would rate very high; he enunciated sound text-critical principles, such as preference for the more difficult variant.

But Eusebius, in his text-critical comments, favors whatever reading is apologetically advantageous. Recall that in Ad Marinum, Eusebius mentioned that a person might reject Mark 16:9-20 not only because it is not in the “accurate manuscripts,” but also because it seems to contradict the other Gospel-accounts.

To Eusebius, an “accurate manuscript” is one that best represents the original text. The catch is that Eusebius was so strongly driven by his belief in the perfection of the Scriptures that he assumed that a reading that seemed erroneous, if it could not be plausibly explained, must be a scribal error. To Eusebius, a non-problematic manuscript = an accurate manuscript. Let’s see him at work:

(A) Eusebius rejected the variant “in Isaiah the prophet” at Matthew 13:35 because “the accurate copies” don’t contain the reference to Isaiah.

(B) Eusebius insisted that readers of Matthew 27:9 must suppose that either the passage to which Matthew refers was originally in Jeremiah and has been lost, or that inaccurate copyists carelessly wrote “Jeremiah” instead of “Zechariah.”

(C) Facing the difference between Mark 15:25 and John 19:14, Eusebius proposed that this is due to inaccurate copying: a careless copyist wrote the numeral-letter representing “3” in such a way that it was misread as “6.”

(D) In Ad Marinum, as he addressed a question about how Mary Magdalene is accompanied by another Mary in Matthew 28, but apparently alone in John 20, our genius Eusebius states that it may be that a copyist has inaccurately added the name “Magdalene” where it does not belong, or it may be that there were two women known as Mary Magdalene. He preferred the second option:

“Two (i.e., two Gospels) truly say Magdalene was present, and inasmuch as we have shown that there are four Marys involved, it is not remarkable to say that two of them were from the same place, namely Magdala. And thus no objection remains. One of these women is the Magdalene who came “after the Sabbath” in Matthew, and the other one is she who came early in John – the same one who is mentioned also in Mark, according to some copies, ‘from whom he cast out seven demons,’ and this is likely the one who heard the words, ‘Touch Me not,’ rather than the one in Matthew.”

Thus we see the extremes to which Eusebius allowed himself to be led by his apologetic agenda. Had the two-Magdalenes solution not occurred to him, Eusebius would have insisted that the name "Magdalene" was inserted by inaccurate copyists. (We also see him re-describe the quantity of copies with Mark 16:9 as "some copies.")

Now does anyone imagine that Eusebius judged the accuracy of manuscripts according to any scientific standard? To Eusebius, an accurate copy = an apologetically non-problematic copy.

As for Jerome, he favored the inclusion of Mark 16:9-20. He condensed Ad Marinum in his letter to Hedibia to save himself time and energy, but he did so in a way that would guide Hedibia to retain Mark 16:9-20, as he had done when compiling the Vulgate.

Regarding the Armenian evidence, my opponent has not engaged the analysis I presented previously. He just repeated his position. I agree completely with his statement that “A simple analysis of extant Armenian shows clear change from AE to LE.” Such are the dangers of simple analysis. A detailed analysis shows a different picture: there is a heavy late shift favoring inclusion of Mark 16:9-20 due to a rise in the popularity of the Cilician form of the Armenian text, but previously, two competing text-forms of the Armenian version existed, and one of them – at least as old as the exemplar of Matenadaran 2374 – included Mark 16:9-20.

My opponent claimed that an article by Augustin Szekula opposes the transmission-model I have described. I welcome him to prove that Szekula’s brief essay about the Shorter Ending says any such thing. In the meantime, readers may consult Joseph Alexanian’s comments in chapter 10 of Studies and Documents: The Text of the New Testament in Contemporary Research (1995). Alexanian describes two forms of the Armenian version, both of which extend back to the 400's, and a “process of corrections during the fifth and sixth centuries.”

Regarding the lectionaries: the usual approach is to assign lectionaries their own category. The assertion that I want “to place lectionaries in the Manuscript category” is not true; nor is the claim that lectionaries are patristic evidence. We should approach manuscripts as manuscripts, versional evidence as versional evidence, patristic writings as patristic writings, and lectionaries as lectionaries.

It is amazing that my opponent can still claim that he hasn’t seen evidence to contradict the idea that the abrupt ending dominates the MSS in the 400’s. Two MSS of Mark (P45 and the fragment 0313) made before the end of the 400’s are so mutilated that we don’t know how they ended. Two MSS (Sinaiticus and Vaticanus) made before the end of the 400’s end at 16:8. Four MSS (W, A, C, and D) made before the end of the 400’s contain 16:9-20. These four MSS represent four distinct text-types in Mark 16, whereas Aleph and B represent one narrow transmission-stream and, in Mk. 16, one copyist. By the production-dates of these four MSS, Mk. 16:9-20 was in their respective text-types. Thus my opponent’s model of a grafting-process in the 400’s is impossible.

Additional evidence against the “grafting” model is provided by over 20 patristic writers before the 400’s or near the very beginning of the 400’s who used the contents of Mark 16:9-20. My opponent seems to believe that those writers must have been relying on a smattering of MSS. When we realize that Eusebius loosely described a specific collection of MSS at Caesarea, and that Jerome, Victor, and Severus borrowed Eusebius’ words, everything fits. But my opponent’s theory that Mark 16:9-20 was in a very low percentage of copies in the early 400’s collides with that patristic evidence and with the lectionary evidence. A lectionary was already in place in Augustine’s North African congregation, and a lectionary was already used by Chrysostom in Antioch in the 380’s. Even in the 200’s, Origen’s sermons on Ezekiel followed a lectionary-cycle.

My opponent faces a truly intimidating task: he must explain how, at a time when the Nestorian controversy was raging, and a single iota was zealously guarded – at a time shortly after a congregation had nearly rioted because the Vulgate called Jonah’s plant a vine instead of a pickle-plant – the lectionary-makers of the 400’s managed to eject or push aside whatever had been read on Ascension-Day previously, and whatever had previously been in the Eastertime readings. In his model, at some point, the bishops and lectors must have invited their congregations to accept, as the text to be read on those special occasions (and as a Heothina-reading), a large passage they had never heard before, and which only a few of them had ever read: something that did not seem to naturally proceed from the narrative of Mark 16:8 – something that seemed difficult to harmonize with the other Gospels – something that emphasized the apostles’ unbelief – something in which Jesus was said to promise that believers would handle serpents, speak in tongues, and be impervious to poison. And this transition must have occurred without anyone mentioning it. Burgon, seeing how preposterous this is, replied candidly: “Have the critics utterly taken leave of their senses, or do they really suppose that we have taken leave of ours?”

Let’s turn now to my opponent’s new claims about "scribal evidence."

(Continued in the following post)

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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Old 05-30-2010, 08:14 PM   #230
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Default Scribal Evidence, Part 4 James Snapp Jr.

JW:
From: CARM Mark 16:9-20: Authentic or Not?

Quote:
As I was saying, let’s turn now to my opponent’s nine new claims about “scribal evidence.”

(1) I agree that the note in MS 199 creates doubt, inasmuch as it fosters more doubt that the lack of such a note would. But via the inclusion of 16:9-20 in the text, the copyist expresses a greater degree of acceptance than of reservation.

(2) My opponent asked why scribes would make a note in a MS unless they accepted quality evidence for the alternative. The answer is: because they were preparing annotated copies, and reproduced the annotations in their exemplars. When my opponent states, “This is not a commentary, this is a Manuscript,” he overlooks that numerous copies are both: the Scriptural text is given its own place on the page, and a commentary, such as the catena-commentary of Victor of Antioch, is placed in the outer margins. In some copies, the copyists have added margin-notes only sporadically – preserving a smattering of condensed excerpts from a commentary.

What this implies is that scribal notes do not necessarily reflect situations contemporary to the MSS that contain them; they echo a much more ancient commentary, such as Victor’s, which cited (and overruled) Eusebius. Annotations which are identically or very similarly phrased are not independent testimonies about MSS, any more than the text in the Gospel-MSS are the copyists’ independent statements about events in the life of Christ.

(3) My opponent, referring to Codex 1582’s note preceding 16:9 and its note about Irenaeus alongside 16:19, stated, “If this was the only Patristic reference here I would count it as for LE. But this Manuscript also invokes Eusebius’ Canon which trumps Irenaeus in every suit.” The annotator did not seem to think so. His note about Irenaeus adds that Irenaeus lived near to the apostles, an observation which seems to give the greater respect to the more ancient (and more orthodox) patristic writer.

(4) Regarding the Double-Ending in Codex L et al, Kurt Aland’s assertion that the Short Ending’s placement between 16:8 and 16:9 implies that the SE predates 16:9-20 was completely wrong. Nobody, possessing conflicting exemplars – at least one with the SE, and at least one with 16:9-20 – who intended to retain the SE at all, would naturally retain it after 16:20, where it would be useless. They would place it in the margin (as in 274) or after 16:8, where, as I already explained, it could serve to round off the preceding pericope/lection. This is why I must insist that anyone who posits that the arrangement of the SE immediately after 16:8 shows that the scribe thought that the SE had a higher claim to acceptance than 16:9-20 is being rather telepathic. The MSS that have both endings in the text echo scribal indecision; the way to show preference for one ending or the other is not to place them both in the text, before the subscription, but to include one and not the other, or to relegate one to the margin (as in 274).

(5) Regarding the alleged obeli in MSS 138, 264, 1221, 2346, and 2812, when I invited my opponent to present evidence that these obeli exist, that they are original, and that they don't serve a benign purpose such as referring the reader to marginalia, he said that it’s up to me to verify his evidence! Apparently it’s sufficient for him that "authority" accepts that these marks exist and that they're text-critically significant. Consider that the same "authority" promoted a dozen incorrect citations in the UBS-2 apparatus at Mk. 16:9-20, and treated 2427 as a genuine MS. The same "authority" has a poor track record when it comes to verifying this sort of thing. If an appeal to "authority" is all that my opponent has to offer in place of verification, then his case in this regard is desperate indeed.

He called it an “amazing coincidence” that 2346 has a superscripted lozenge before 16:9. But this is not amazing; many manuscripts have marks before 16:9 and at all the other places where one lection ends and another one begins. Many manuscripts in which the text is accompanied by a commentary – such as 2346 – have marks and symbols supplementing the text to help readers connect the portions of the commentary to portions of the text, especially if the catena-commentary jumps from one place to another without covering the intervening verses.

MS 138 is a copy in which the text is accompanied by Victor of Antioch’s catena-commentary. The researcher Birch claimed that 137 and 138 marked 16:9-20 “with an asterisk.” Burgon, however, explains on pages 116-118 of The Last 12 Verses of Mark that 137 has a cross, like a plus-sign (+), referring the reader to the pertinent part of the accompanying commentary. And referring to 138, Burgon stated, “As for the other Codex, it exhibits neither asterisk nor cross; but contains the same note or scholion attesting the genuineness of the last twelve verses of S. Mark.” So much for that.

MS 264 has an asterisk at 16:9, but Burgon noted (in footnote h on p. 117) that it also has an asterisk at 11:12, 12:38, and 14:12 – and not at John 7:53-8:11. Whatever this is, it doesn't seem text-critically significant.

That leaves 1221 and 2812 still in need of verification. Good luck. (It would not be surprising to find genuine text-critical marks in MSS from St. Catherine’s, such as 1221, since Sinaiticus was there for centuries.)

(6) Regarding Eusebius’ influence on the Armenian text: my opponent apparently misunderstood my earlier statements. Rather than suggesting that Eusebius had a very narrow slice of influence, I observed that Eusebius’ favorite manuscripts came from a narrow text-stream. The influence of Eusebius was considerable: his Sections and Canons rapidly became very popular, and the text of the 50 copies that Eusebius had produced for the churches of Constantinople defined, to a large extent, the second stratum of the Armenian version.

It is not difficult to see how this happened: c. 330, Eusebius produced 50 codices for the churches of Constantinople, and c. 430, the Armenians took treasured copies from Constantinople back to Armenia. When we notice that Eusebius’ Gospels-citations closely resemble readings in the Armenian version, it is virtually like seeing the footprints of Eusebius’ preferred text. It is a complete mischaracterization to describe the Armenian text as evidence of an early Byzantine Text without 16:9-20; the claim that the Armenian text is “evidence that even the original Byzantine was against LE” is mistaken. What we have here are copies with the Caesarean Text of the Gospels, imported to Constantinople, and re-imported from there to Armenia. The transfer of MSS with the Caesarean Text to Constantinople does not turn the Caesarean Text into the Byzantine Text.

My opponent proposed that MSS produced by Eusebius “would not have even had LE.” While that would probably be true of Eusebius’ 50 codices when they were initially produced (if he consistently used his favorite MSS as exemplars), it would not necessarily be true of those codices after 100 years in the churches of Constantinople. In at least one copy taken from Constantinople to Armenia c. 430, Mk. 16:9-20 probably appeared as an insertion in handwriting that was clearly not that of the primary copyist.

(7) My opponent asked about MS 300. See Burgon’s Last 12 Verses of Mark, pages 118-119 and 279-282. How could my opponent could say that “None of the main sources identified in this Thread mention” MS 300"? (Has he still not read Burgon’s book?)

(8) It should be clear that the MSS with the f-1 annotation (with or without a reference to the Eusebian Canons) descend from the transmission-stream from which Ephraim the Scribe obtained his exemplars in the 900’s. These are not independent notes about copies contemporary with their scribes; they are echoes of an older voice from the mid-late 400’s. My opponent, however, protested that “There’s quite a distance between Ephraim and Eusebius in many ways.”

Let’s test that. Consult MS 1739, which Ephraim made, and you will see, near James 2:13 (at 33r), an annotation written in three long lines in the upper margin and eleven short lines on the right margin. Although only part of this note is legible, a reference to a copy written by the hand of the blessed Eusebius can be seen. In addition, variants in 1582 and 1739 show that these two MSS have a strong affinity with a text used by Origen and Eusebius. So: Ephraim, in the mid-900’s, replicated annotated copies made in the mid-late 400’s, and the person who made Ephraim’s exemplars apparently had access to a copy handmade by Eusebius. Genealogically, that’s not much distance between Eusebius’ text and Ephraim’s text. (For further details see Lake’s “Six Collations.”)

(9) My opponent said that when I mentioned “over 500” Armenian copyists, I “must have just read Paul” (i.e., I Cor. 15:6). No; I’d just read p. 164 of Alexanian’s 1995 essay about the Armenian version: “For the Gospels, the number of extant MSS exceeds 2,100.” I think that represents the work of more than 500 Armenian copyists.

So: the annotations about Mark 16:9-20 in f-1 and related MSS descend from Ephraim’s exemplar, which was made in the mid-late 400’s by someone with access to MSS from Caesarea, including, it seems, a MS that contained at least the book of James made by Eusebius himself. And when we consider that the Gospels-text of f-1 has a special affinity with the citations of Origen and Eusebius, and with the Armenian version, it becomes clear that the copyists of the Armenian version who expressed reservations about Mark 16:9-20 were likewise echoing the imported copies taken from Constantinople c. 430. Thus almost all the “scribal evidence” essentially resolves into echoes of a single transmission-stream.

Yours in Christ,

James Snapp, Jr.
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