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Old 10-09-2009, 01:31 AM   #221
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Why less attested than David? There are quite a few examples of various forms of the name attested to in English records in the 13th century.
You mean Arthur or RH? If Arthur, I certainly consider him less attested than David (there may be a couple of contendors for Arthur but there's nothing in the legends to place him and therefore to identify him, whereas the Tel Dan stele agrees with the basic idea that David was a patriarchal figure of some sort), if Robin Hood perhaps it's a tie, I'm not too familiar with that area.
Assuming it's a kosher artifact, Tel Dan places BYTDWD on the same level as BYT)L, BYT$M$ and BYT(NT, ie towns with temples to a god. There might have been a bit more hope if it were BYT DWD.

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And that's what makes it an interesting question for me! Tradition and history and records are points on a broad spectrum of "historicity",
You use the term "historicity" in a very different way from me. Historicity is about demonstrating evidence, something that is unavailable from tradition in general. Tradition is a wide cultural artifact, whereas records and propaganda are not. You have much better chances of evaluating records and propaganda for their source content than you do of traditions. Early traditions quite often refuse to give up their sources, making them virtually impossible as historical sources.

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and the early Jewish scribes enjoyed a good bit of interpolation into the records (as did Eusebius) which blurs the line even more. Otherwise I've no real interest in the HJ/MJ debate, only the methodological implications and how it might be viewed from outside NT scholarship by other biblical or historical scholarship.

What amount of Acts is tradition and what is record? For example the supposed communitarianism of the early apostles - tradition or record? An original apostolic centre out of Jerusalem - tradition or record? Paul's origins in Tarsus - tradition or record? Who was the author contesting when he introduces the book pointing to the others who had written their own accounts?
Obviously all tradition now, if you have to ask.

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And you only arrive at the notion that Paul was "locked in contest with people who were witnesses of a physical Jesus" from apologetic reconstructions of Paul. This does not come from what he tells us in Galatians. FBI operatives didn't need to understand communism when they weeded out people to be persecuted. And if one fell victim to the spell of discent from the American Way, how reflective of real communism would that have been? Paul tells us he was a deeply conservative Jew who was full of zeal for the religion. He's our FBI man. He gave any discenters are hard time. But what do we know about these discenters? He talks about an "assembly of god" and "Judean assemblies that were in christ", but does that mean "proto-christian"? The best we can say was that they were messianists ("in christ"). These are loosely connected with the organization in Jerusalem headed by the pillars. What was their religion? We know that they were strict observers of Jewish praxis, where conflict arose with Paul. They didn't seem to show any interest in Paul's messianic story and Paul certainly had no respect for them, but they had no time for the fact that Paul put his messianic story above praxis.

We don't get to know what the Jerusalem messianists believed, so I can't see you in any position to talk about Paul being "locked in contest with people who were witnesses of a physical Jesus".
Fair point I guess. I do get the sense that MJers (or Jesus skeptics?) are quicker to dispense with interconnections between the texts than other historians though.
Which historians do you know of who have ventured into the process of separating out history from tradition? (And not on the subjective committed level as Jesus Seminar religious scholars.)

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But I think that the texts were written precisely in a context of disputes over authority.
I see no reason why disputes haven't added to the traditions.

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While they did not write history the way we do, they might not have been able to get away with as much as oral memory would have still remained a strong force among their intelligentsia and central authorities like Polycarp because that was where their authority derived (I'm happy to agree that oral memory among regular Christians could have been malleable and quickly forgotten).
I come to a wall with Paul and his declaration of having got Jesus from a revelation. Oral memories aren't worth a pinch of codswallop if they post-date Paul.

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And if they borrowed from the school of historiography that produced Josephus, then they could have had an interest in emphasising the stronger and better attested traditions (again I'm simplifying and I know that).
Isn't this simple speculation?


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Old 10-09-2009, 01:43 AM   #222
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Obviously all tradition now, if you have to ask.
Well, I suppose given that the period of the NT yields no artifacts (or hasn't yet). But do we conclude that none of the figures in Acts existed?
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Which historians do you know of who have ventured into the process of separating out history from tradition? (And not on the subjective committed level as Jesus Seminar religious scholars.)
I don't think we are at that stage of parsing the histories as yet. But a number have been working on memory and oral tradition and trying to work out degrees of drift. I can't remember their names, but there's a number in the classical Greek studies. It obviously is very difficult even in areas that have a lot of texts (e.g. Greek) and would be even harder in areas with fewer texts (e.g. NT/early church manuscripts).

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And if they borrowed from the school of historiography that produced Josephus, then they could have had an interest in emphasising the stronger and better attested traditions (again I'm simplifying and I know that).
Isn't this simple speculation?
Yes, certainly. But the assumptions that the writers had no interest in historicity is as flawed as the assumption that the writers were writing objective histories, especially if we grant an environment of contested memory in which authors such as that of Acts were writing (as is internally described in Acts). And if they had some - any - interest at all in getting some facts in, is it still possible to pull them out?

I'm still a committed anti-realist when it comes to history
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Old 10-09-2009, 03:25 AM   #223
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Obviously all tradition now, if you have to ask.
Well, I suppose given that the period of the NT yields no artifacts (or hasn't yet). But do we conclude that none of the figures in Acts existed?
That's the problem with such traditions. We usually can't conclude anything tangible about them. I can't conclude anything useful about what lies behind either the Arthurian or the Robin Hood traditions. We might peel back the layers of more obviously later additions, but that won't get us back to nothing, just to the point where we can't find criteria to allow us to peel any more.

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I don't think we are at that stage of parsing the histories as yet. But a number have been working on memory and oral tradition and trying to work out degrees of drift. I can't remember their names, but there's a number in the classical Greek studies. It obviously is very difficult even in areas that have a lot of texts (e.g. Greek) and would be even harder in areas with fewer texts (e.g. NT/early church manuscripts).
It sounds all nice and reasonable, but at the same time totally lacking in falsifiability.

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Isn't this simple speculation?
Yes, certainly. But the assumptions that the writers had no interest in historicity is as flawed as the assumption that the writers were writing objective histories, especially if we grant an environment of contested memory in which authors such as that of Acts were writing (as is internally described in Acts). And if they had some - any - interest at all in getting some facts in, is it still possible to pull them out?
What gives you any reason to suspect any conscious effort at history? Don't you accept what has come before if you adhere to the tradition? Did Jerome do any history when he unwittingly carried on the sham existence of Ebion? You would have difficulty questioning his integrity or sincerity, but you must see that history wasn't a concern.

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I'm still a committed anti-realist when it comes to history
Now that would need unpacking.


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Old 10-09-2009, 04:35 AM   #224
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This is meaningless babble
Then understand that you give the impression of wasting most people's time when you post.

spin
Oh, my friend, I am well aware I give the impression I waste time of people who feel abandoned and/or become hostile when others don't agree with them. You are wasting your time telling me that. :wave:

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Old 10-09-2009, 05:07 AM   #225
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Then understand that you give the impression of wasting most people's time when you post.
Oh, my friend, I am well aware I give the impression I waste time of people who feel abandoned and/or become hostile when others don't agree with them. You are wasting your time telling me that.



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Old 10-09-2009, 06:06 AM   #226
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Well, I suppose given that the period of the NT yields no artifacts (or hasn't yet). But do we conclude that none of the figures in Acts existed?
That's the problem with such traditions. We usually can't conclude anything tangible about them. I can't conclude anything useful about what lies behind either the Arthurian or the Robin Hood traditions. We might peel back the layers of more obviously later additions, but that won't get us back to nothing, just to the point where we can't find criteria to allow us to peel any more.
But you've still got delineation problems with this principle. Is Josephus history or tradition? What about Herodotus? Or Berrosos?

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It sounds all nice and reasonable, but at the same time totally lacking in falsifiability.
Actually it's falsifiable in principle, as in - if we were to find a competing text nearer to the date of the claims in which facts were adduced, then such claims are falsified. The only problem really is the paucity of the historical record - but if we did have the competing texts, they'd not need to resort to trying to track oral divergence in the first place - it only sets itself as a 'solution' because of the problem it faces, the real solution of that problem of course, would be to find more texts.
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What gives you any reason to suspect any conscious effort at history? Don't you accept what has come before if you adhere to the tradition? Did Jerome do any history when he unwittingly carried on the sham existence of Ebion? You would have difficulty questioning his integrity or sincerity, but you must see that history wasn't a concern.
I suggest its a delineation problem rather than a specific problem with individuals - the only reason I bring up individual examples is to draw attention to the delineation problem in assessing historical and traditional texts.
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I'm still a committed anti-realist when it comes to history
Now that would need unpacking.
Texts are only texts Frankly, I don't see any clear distinction between 'historical' and 'traditional' in ancient writing. Record-keeping maybe. But otherwise, it is all tradition. And to them it's all history as well. Yet hearsay is acknowledged as hearsay at times (I believe Josephus acknowledges hearsay sources, as does Pliny and I believe Herodotus as well), which means they are aware of a nascent standard in historiography between the supported, the believable and the unbelievable. Recovering that delineation is impossible, yet historians do it all the time. And if the object of history is not so much to recreate the real past but construct an explanatory framework for historical change, then the fact of merely reading texts isn't so frightening. The reason I raise these questions, of course, is to ask to what extent can we reconstruct histories at all given the criteria of the MJ methodology? My conclusion is we can't in general "really" NT scholarship has always been more lit crit than history, hence my lack of interest in it. But I want to ask if anyone in this field, having delved into the deepest questions and assumptions, comes out thinking they can recover history at all... Can lit crit recover history? It depends on your definition of history, right?
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Old 10-09-2009, 06:52 AM   #227
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Texts are only texts Frankly, I don't see any clear distinction between 'historical' and 'traditional' in ancient writing. Record-keeping maybe. But otherwise, it is all tradition. And to them it's all history as well. Yet hearsay is acknowledged as hearsay at times (I believe Josephus acknowledges hearsay sources, as does Pliny and I believe Herodotus as well), which means they are aware of a nascent standard in historiography between the supported, the believable and the unbelievable. Recovering that delineation is impossible, yet historians do it all the time. And if the object of history is not so much to recreate the real past but construct an explanatory framework for historical change, then the fact of merely reading texts isn't so frightening. The reason I raise these questions, of course, is to ask to what extent can we reconstruct histories at all given the criteria of the MJ methodology? My conclusion is we can't in general "really" NT scholarship has always been more lit crit than history, hence my lack of interest in it. But I want to ask if anyone in this field, having delved into the deepest questions and assumptions, comes out thinking they can recover history at all... Can lit crit recover history? It depends on your definition of history, right?
Sounds like you're working with the larger questions of "what is history?" and "did the ancients do real history?" I don't think any MJer would dispute that there's a difference between someone like Thucydides and the gospel authors. Josephus claims to be following in the footsteps of "real" historians, but of course we can dispute how true this is.

Text is only as useful as other sources of confirmation make it. The list of Israelite kings is confirmed in individual cases by foreigners and physical artifacts. But where is the non-Christian support for the gospel story? Are there Roman records that attest Jesus or Christians in the reigns of Tiberius or Caligula? Did anyone in the Jewish diaspora notice the development of Christianity in the 1st C? Are there anything but the vaguest allusions to Jesus in the Talmuds? Are there any Christian inscriptions anywhere before the mid-2nd C?

It's a similar problem in the church fathers and apologists: we usually only hear one side of the story, the orthodox condemnation of "heresy" which may be distorted and unbalanced. Marcion could've been the sweetest guy around, but the Christian record makes him out to be a monster.

Maybe the ancients always wrote polemic and propaganda, but if we have opposing screeds we might be able to piece together something useful (eg the book of Kings vs Assyrian court annals)
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Old 10-09-2009, 07:05 AM   #228
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I'll try not to veer too far off topic, since the thread is about Mark and Paul rather than Acts, but...

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Of course, but that wasn't my point - rather that Acts is close enough by most other historical standards that it would be unquestionably accepted (minus a few miracles) if it weren't for its importance to the debate; while it is thrown out wholesale by MJers.
In the late second century, a veritable cottage industry of writing Acts-style documents was born. The noncanonical literature is filled with them. They are all clearly fictional propaganda in the ordinary sense of the word 'fiction'. Acts looks just like the others, and there is no known reason that it could not be from the same time period, even though it is traditionally dated much earlier (for what I consider extremely dubious reasons). Even if Acts had no miracles in it, it would be improper to conclude that it is an accurate record of anything real, based on the existence of these other documents.
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Old 10-09-2009, 07:10 AM   #229
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Default Which Came First, The Euchrisken or the Easter Egg?

JW:
The only time Paul supposedly gives more than a few words that could be describing a HJ is here:

http://www.errancywiki.com/index.php...Corinthians_11

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1 Corinthians 11:23 For I received of the Lord that which also I delivered unto you, that the Lord Jesus in the night in which he was betrayed took bread;

1 Corinthians 11:24 and when he had given thanks, he brake it, and said, This is my body, which is for you: this do in remembrance of me.

1 Corinthians 11:25 In like manner also the cup, after supper, saying, This cup is the new covenant in my blood: this do, as often as ye drink [it], in remembrance of me.
JW:
It's clear that Paul's claimed source here is Revelation ("I received of the Lord"). Hence in Paul's exponentially most extended piece of information about HJ, his claimed source is Revelation. Just as bad (for HJ) is that the context is the practical problem of Christians eating the "good" stuff at communal meals before all the brothers have arrived and the Jesus story is just an anecdote to support a solution to a practical problem. It certainly looks like the flow here is Revelation to HJ. Since Paul has this relationship here, what is the extent of the relationship? Is it possible that all of Paul's claims of HJ have a source of Revelation?

Some people here have chosen Josephus as source for JtB as a comparison. So where exactly does Josephus ever claim that Revelation/dead JtB was a source for him?




Joseph

http://www.errancywiki.com/index.php?title=Main_Page
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Old 10-09-2009, 07:16 AM   #230
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Sorry if this comes out the wrong way, but I really can't see the justification for believing in more than what we have. For all I know, the Jews did not think Noah really existed, and that when they talk about him (or Abraham, or others), is it more rational to believe they were talking literally, or metaphorically, especially when you cannot tell from the context?
It is difficult, but from what I can tell, I don't think the ancients made the kinds of distinctions between mythology, legend, metaphor, and reality that we make. A concept could transform back and forth between what we would call myth, then to metaphor, then to reality then back again, all within the same text.

There are people even today who don't make these distinctions, so I don't think it's much of a stretch to conclude that the way we think today is cultural rather than innate.
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