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Old 07-17-2003, 12:11 PM   #21
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So many errors of fact and logic (and spelling), and such a belligerent attidude. Let's see what we can do with this mess.

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Originally posted by Leviathan
Let's get something straight: just b/c you think the issues are "rehashed," does not mean what you, or anyone else here, said was legally correct, persuasive, or even rationale. All I have seen so far from Newdow, in your opinion(s), is that it was "well reasoned," and yet not one court has followed its line of reasoning, the only ones that have addressed the issue found Newdow entirely unpersuasive, and quite frankly the dissents in Newdow I and II made a helluva lot more sense than the majority.
The decision is very recent, and people are not filing suits around the country challenging the Pledge. Do you have an example of a court that has examined Newdow and rejected its line of reasoning?

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Oh, I see, we only take JD's who *we* think are neutral observers: forget the fact they've studied the law, and were distinguished enough to be published. Do I have any more "neutral" observers, lets see: Clay Calvert and Robert D. Richard, Loyola of Los Angeles Entertainment Law Review, D. Chris Albright, Nevada Lawyer, May, 2003, and finally, David Barton, Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, and Public Policy. Do you have a problem with these too?
Kmiec is a highly partisan advocate, entitled to be called a member of the "vast right wing conspiracy". What he says is worth reading, but must be treated as advocacy, not authority.

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Albright, D. Chris, Nevada Lawyer, May, 2003. The author is a graduate of BYU Law School, cum laude, and is a former judicial clerk to the Nevada Supreme Court.
Interesting credentials, but not overwhelmingly authoritative. I assume that the Nevada Lawyer is a publication of the Nevada State Bar, and not even a peer-reviewed law review type journal.

Otherwise you have an article from the Entertainment Law Review of a second tier law school, and an article by David Barton?

Is that the David Barton who has admitted to using fake quotes about the Founding Fathers? Or someone unfortunate enough to share his name?

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A Shepardizing of Sherman has numerous cases, too many to list (there are 50, I will peruse them for the really good ones). It is of importance to note that the Supreme Court denied cert. after Sherman was decided: implying it was correctly decided and they saw no conflict in the Establishment clause jurisprudence. 113 S. Ct. 2439.
If you have read even a smattering of legal cases, you know that courts can cite other cases for a variety of offhand reasons, other than the main holding.

And don't let your law professors know that you actually said that denial of cert is equivalent to approval.

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Through precedent, courts have made a very persuasive argument that the mentioning of God in the Declaration of Independance, and other historical documents, along with the Pledge, is merely an act of remembrance, of what the nation was founded on. Justice Brennan made such an argument, I believe, as well as other courts. To me, that makes a helluva lot more sense than the counterargument, that the utterance of "Under God" is somehow, though not explained how, a religious act. In contrast, it is a Pledge, a political act, and merely examines the history of this nation, which is that this nation was founded on the principle that God gave humanity their rights. You can disagree, as vehemently as you want, that you don't believe that, but there is *no question* what the founding fathers believed.
This is opening up another topic completely. I will just say here that there are a lot of questions about what the founding fathers believed. Some were Deists. Some thought that religion was a good thing to keep the masses in line, but full of bunk. Some, like Washington, were careful to avoid public statements that would allow anyone to guess their religion.

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Your interpretation of the Establishment clause would tell Thomas Jefferson and James Madison they were hypocrites, for establishing such a "wall" of seperation, and then making utterances to God. I have too many of these utterances to name, but if you want to read some of them, start with the Sherman decision, and then follow it up with Fernandez's dissent in Newdow.
I don't have time to track down the quotes, but Madison and Jefferson believed strongly that the government should not force religion down people's throats. Do you see a contradiction between believing in a particular religion yourself and not wanting the government to control it and force other people to believe in it?

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. . .

Alright, one more example, and this one is very damning to Newdow, as its decision is rested mostly on the Court's decision in Lee v. Weisman.

"The Court, once again, stressed the limitations of its holding, noting that it was not ruling 'that every state action implicating religion is invalid' even if some citizens find it offensive. Rather, the Court noted, 'a relentless and all-pervasive attempt to exclude religion from every aspect of public life could itself befcome inconsistent with the Constitution'."

Above citation. Seems to me the Court is giving alot of powerful dictum, stating that it is *not* going to travel the Newdow road. Is it your position, gentleman, that *all* of these decisions, which Newdow erroneously cites for its authority, are not well reasoned?
That would be dicta, not a lot of powerful dictum. And they are not so powerful.

I would interpret "a relentless and all-pervasive effort to exclude religion from every aspect of public life" to include things like opposing the singing Christmas carols, displaying classical art with religious themes in state run museums and the like.

Forcing children to recite a Pledge that embodies a particular theology is in another category altogether.

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{snip quote}Clearly the Lee and Santa Fe cases deal with prayer, and not less overtly religious ceremonies like the Pledge, in which tangential solemnizing references to divinity are allowed.
This is the de minimis exemption, the ceremonial Deism exemption. It's worth talking about, but it's not a given. You may notice that even your hero, the dissenter in Newdow, shied away from claiming that there is a de minimis exception to First Amendment rights.

My own view is that this is an intellectually empty argument, but one that a court might well want to use as a shield to avoid the public outrage from following constitutional principles to their logical conclusion.

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Like my youngest child, the 9th Circuit judges responsible for the Pledge decision seem to know the color of he crayon, but not how to stay within the lines.


This sort of patronizing remark is ill-suited to a serious discussion.

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Indeed, the 7th Circuit had no difficulty recognizing that recitation of the Pledge in public schools remained Constituitonal (so long as non-compulsory) notwithstanding the Supreme Court's school prayer rulings, even determining that, as an "inferior court" it "had best respect" that which the Supreme Court had clearly delineated on the subject: "If the Court proclaims that a practice is consistent with the establishment clause, we take its assurances seriously. If the Justices are pulling our leg, let them say so."

Same citation. In reference to the 7th Circuits request for the S. Ct. to "say so if they are pulling our leg" [meaning the 7th Circuit misinterpreted the dictum], then isn't it interesting that the S. Ct. denied cert? I guess they got it right.
Or maybe the Supremes were also pulling their leg when they denied cert.

Once again - denial of cert is just that. Not the equivalent to approval or endorsement.

When I read the Sherwin decision, I see a court trying to find a rationale for a result they think they have to reach on political reasons. Talking about the Supreme Court pulling their legs is a little clue that they do not think the issue really worth taking seriously.

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In seperation of powers doctrine, the check that the Congress and the President have on the anti-majoritarian Court, is to criticize their decisions, when clearly faulty. Throughout the course of the Court's history, the only weapon they have, in enforcing their decisions, is their legitimacy. The Constiutition was drafted that way, as the Court was seen as the "least dangerous branch" of Government, to quote Hamilton. Thus, given that they neither have the power of the sword, or purse, but only their legitimacy, the public's reaction, where it is so visceral against a decision, almost to the point that *everyone* sees the decision as erroneously stated, well then, that public reaciton can shed light on the court's errors. If you need scholarly material on this, reference Hollow Hope by Rosenberg.
<groan> So the Supreme Court has no army, and follows the last election (especially when they engineered it) and you want to elevate this cynical view of the law to the status of doctrine?

Who will save the children from this evil?

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The hypocrisy argument is one of the most damning to your position, and saying that Jefferson owned slaves is not going to show the argument is without support. Numerous law reviews, and numerous Court deicsions have made references to the words of Jefferson, Madison, and other founding fathers, in establishing the First Amendment, and many court decisions have argued that b/c the founding fathers advocated the First Amendment, and at the same time advocated ceremonial acts of recognizing God in public, then no reasonable interepretation of establishment clause jurisprudence could say that the First Amendment bars any reference to God in the public light. That is the holding of Newdow, and it threatens the reading of the Declaration of Independance in schools. That is completely and utterly ridiculous, and the Supreme Court, in the above quotations I have presented to you, has said such an argument will not stand in front of that Court. Thank God.
The argument that since the founding fathers who wrote the First Amendment also hired a chaplain for the Congress and invoked the Deity in other cases, is one that I have seen pushed by the likes of Pat Robertson as an excuse for a variety of church state violations. I don't think the Supreme Court has bought it yet.

Besides, Newdow concerns a pledge that children must say if they want to join in a patriotic exercise. This is a far cry from "God Save this Honorable Court" which could very well be an empty exercise in ceremonial Deism, or even a "non-sectarian" prayer from a public chaplain that can be ignored or tuned out. It is completely different from the mere reading of an historical document such as the Declaration of Independence.

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But this argument of "there's no God in the Constitution." Lets examine that. The Decl. of Independance claims that God granted humanity its rights. The Constitution gives those rights, and you want to say that God isn't part of the Constitution?
The Declaration of Independence invoked the God of Deism in opposition to the Christian God, since the King of England claimed to rule by divine right. It is not part of the law of the land.

The Constitution does not mention god. It only mentions religion to rule out an established church (while guaranteeing free exercise) and to rule out religious tests for public office.

So yes I say that God is not part of the Constitution. So do these authors: The Godless Constitution: the Case Against Religious Correctness by Isaac Kramnick, R. Laurence Moore.

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The word God does not appear in the U.S. Constitution. Kramnick and Moore remind us why it does not and also how efforts to insert it have been staved off. They take us back to radical Christian Roger Williams' influential insistence upon a religiously neutral polity for Rhode Island and to the British roots of the American secular state in the thought of John Locke, the activism of the chemist Joseph Priestley, and the pamphleteering of the now-forgotten James Burgh. They show how the first four presidents resisted officially Christianizing the country and how nineteenth-century Baptist ministers led efforts to keep church and state separate. Their history lessons are enthralling and ought to give even the most ardent supporter of public school prayer pause.
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The metaphor of Jefferson's concerning the establishment clause has been misinterpreted over centuries to show that seperatism is the legal joy of the day. I'm sorry, the walls of seperation of church and state are high, but they are not absolute, nor did the framers intend them to be.
Jefferson's metaphor correctly describes the First Amendment's prohibtion of any law regarding an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. It has been recognized as such by Supreme Court holdings, not just dicta.

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In Reynolds v. United States (1878), the Supreme Court stated, "In the words of Jefferson, the clause against establishment of religion by law was intended to erect 'a wall of separation between church and state.'" This was further emphasized in Everson v. Board of Education (1947), as expressed in the opinion for the majority written by Associate Justice Hugo Black. He wrote, "The First Amendment has erected a wall between church and state. That wall must be kept high and impregnable. We could not approve the slightest breach."
from here.

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If you want to examine historical tradition, go to 4 U.S.C. 4, the federal law for the Pledge, and note the overwhelming Congressional findings of how God is "historical tradition" in this nation. Hell, it even cites the Mayflower Compact. For you to argue that God was not a founding part of this nation, a keystone of this new nation, is absolute folly.
We went through those findings of tradition, and most of them are distorted. The founders of the colonies often intended to establish theocracies. They enforced laws against blasphemy and put people to death for witchcraft. Luckily, we have gone beyond this.

You can read some prior discussion at Scary actual text of Senate "Under God" Resolution

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Excellent, cite me to some court decisions that have quoted these secondary sources. Wait, there are none, absent Newdow. In contrast, I have 13 Supreme Court Justices, 5 on the court today (oops, there goes a win), that say Newdow was decided incorrectly.
You've got them in your pocket? Seriously, there are indications that the Supremes will reverse Newdow. Finding a coherent reason may be hard (but, as shown in Bush v. Gore, they don't need one.)

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1. He argues its de minimis. I'm sure you're aware of that argument.
2. He argues it isn't an endorsement of religion, thus it isn't "partial."

And with all due respect, the man cites numerous S. Ct. cases for his propositions. Calling a Federal Judge "ignorant," when they have precedent on their side isn't exactly correct.
Fernandez has to be careful with the de minimis argument. You notice his last footnote:

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9 Lest I be misunderstood, I must emphasize that to decide this case it is not necessary to say, and I do not say, that there is such a thing as a de minimis constitutional violation. What I do say is that the de minimis tendency of the Pledge to establish a religion or to interfere with its free exercise is no constitutional violation at all.
The original poster referred to Fernandez' ignorance of religious feelings. This quote does not qualify as "ignorant", but it is pathetic. An invocation of a deity is de minimis, but it isn't. This judge is just throwing up a smokescreen of words to avoid a result that he does not like.

The rest of this is addressed to another poster, and I've used up my quota of time for today, so I'll have to close here.
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Old 07-17-2003, 01:39 PM   #22
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Update on the status of Newdow:

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AMVETS (American Veterans) today called on the U.S. Supreme Court to overturn the 2002 decision of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals that the words "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance in schools is unconstitutional.

In a letter to Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, AMVETS National Commander W.G. "Bill" Kilgore wrote that the case, Newdow v. U.S. Congress decided by the Ninth Circuit, would "set a terrible precedent in law."

The Ninth Circuit refused to rehear the suit, brought by Michael Newdow whose daughter attends public school in California, after it was upheld by a three-judge panel. Kilgore said, "The Ninth Circuit's action prevents all children under its jurisdiction from the right to freely express their religion."

The AMVETS leader went on to say, "God and reverence for Him has been with this nation since its founding and pronounced in that founding by the people and our elected leaders. We, and especially our children, should be free to honor His presence in our public places."

The Supreme Court is expected to decide in October whether to review the case. In the meantime, the appeals court ruling is on hold.
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Inquired by enfant, concerning whether what I say is "legally correct":
Of course, but do you admit that the same applies to you?
Absolutely, of course it applies to me too. Thus, what we *should* be having a debate about is the evidence, what the evidence says, and why it says what it says, and what arguments and warrants are most compelling for the two respective sides. I have a stack of articles at my disposal here, and a lexis account, and am more than happy to sift through the entire debate if you wish. I don't have to go back to school for another two weeks, my internship is winding down, and I'm honestly bored.

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stated by enfant:And all we have seen from you about the dissent is that you like it a lot. But Newdow is law, and the dissent is not, so we don't even need to provide any arguments; you do.
Newdow is *questionable* law, for only the Ninth Circuit, in direct contravention to the other Federal Court of Appeals decisions, namely the 7th Circuit's Sherman decision. I have provided you numerous arguments, coupled with citations, to prove my argument.

You want another? Ok, The misapplication of Jefferson's "wall of seperation metaphor. The citation is Barton, David, The Image and the Reality: Thomas Jefferson and the First Amendment, Notre Dame Journal of Law, Ethics, and Public Policy, 2003. Barton's list of credentials are too long to type.

Barton's argument is essentially that Jefferson's historical actions would fail the Newdow tests; thus, Newdow misinterprets history in a very, very bad way.

You asked, earlier for evidence, nay you issued a "challenge" to show you evidence of Jefferson's actions as President, which directly conflicted with his supposed metaphor. Here you are:

"Yet there are vast numbers of Jefferson quotes and actions which, should they be considered seriously by the Court, would cause at least a serious reassessment of its landmark Establishment Clause rulings and quite probably a dramatic reversal. This is not to imply that Jefferson was a fervent religionist; he was not. Neither does it follow, however, that he was an ardent secularist. Jefferson's religious views and activities are documented at length; his writings on religion are prolific and at times even self-contradictory. In fact, his statements about religion are such that opposing positions can each invoke Jefferson as its authority."

1. Jefferson went to church, every Sunday, while President, in the *Capitol* buiding. He sanctioned government musicians, paid by the state, assisting in those worship services. He also had such services in the Treasury Building, as well as the War Office. John Quincy Adams' journal entries support these propositions.

2. Jefferson urged local governments to make land available specifically for Christian purposes, a clear violation of the modern "tests" in Newdow.

3. In a federal Indian treaty, Jefferson provided $300 to assist the tribe in the erection of a church and more money for the support of a Catholic priest. He also signed 3 seperate acts setting aside government land for the sole use of religious groups so that Moravian missionaries might be assisted in "promoting Christianity" - another "violation."

4. Jefferson assured a Christian religious school in the newly purchased La. territory that it would receive "patronage of the government."

And just note this nice little quote, from Jefferson, "No nation has ever existed or been governed without religion. Nor can be. The Christian religion is the best religion that has been given to man, and I, as Chief Magistrate of this nation, am bound to give it the sanction of my example.

There's a ton more: you can read the law review if your further interested. The author goes on to make the hypocrisy argument I have here, and from which you issued your "challenge."

Want more evidence God is a part of the history of this nation?

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The fact is: God has had a long, firm place in our government and our law. Before we delete God from the Pledge, or the Pledge from the government, we should consider the depth and breadth of God's stamp on our nation: Our money says In God We Trust.

This imprint dates from 1861 when Rev. N. R. Wilkinson wrote to Treasury Secretary Salmon Chase requesting "recognition of the Almighty God" on our coins to "relieve us from the ignominy of heathenism." Secretary Chase ordered the Director of the Mint to do so, to recognize our nation's reliance on the "strength of God." Since 1861 In God We Trust has been printed on 18 different coins, until 1955 when Congress mandated that it be imprinted on all coins and all currency.

The 4th verse of our National Anthem [written 1814, formally adopted 1931] states: Our cause it is just. Then this be our motto: In God is our trust. The very name of cities such as Providence, Rhode Island are direct affirmations of God. In a less obvious, but direct religious nod, the Liberty Bell is inscribed with Leviticus 25:10, Proclaim liberty throughout the land unto all the inhabitants thereof. The reverse side of the Great Seal of the United States approved by Congress 1782 states Annuit Coeptis [He [God] has favored our undertakings] alluding to the many interventions of Providence in favor of the American cause."

Every day, by federal and state law every court in America declares the authority of God. The oath administered to witnesses in trials asks: Do you solemnly swear that your testimony at this trial will be the truth and nothing but the truth so help you God?

Similarly, the United States Senate, in President Clinton's impeachment trial, required that the oath be taken: So help me God! The Oath of Citizenship swears allegiance to the Constitution and laws of the United States: So help me God. The Oath of Office for the United States President, Senate and House of Representatives is to support and defend the Constitution. . . So help me God, dating back to the First Congress 1789. Positions as ministerial as federal clerk of court require an oath of office, including. So help me God.

And of course, federal [and most state] courts from the Supreme Court to District Courts open with what can only be characterized as a prayer: God save the United States and this Honorable Court.

The religious affirmations [sincere or otherwise] of recent presidents are well known [Bush, Clinton, Bush, Reagan, Carter, Ford, Nixon, Johnson, Kennedy]. But every president expressed similar sentiments.

"I enter upon [the office of President] . . . reverently invoking for my guidance the direction and favor of Almighty God" [William McKinley, 3/4/1901].

"The fundamental basis of this nation's law was given to Moses on the Mount. The fundamental basis of our Bill of Rights comes from the teaching we get from Exodus and St. Matthew, from Isaiah and St. Paul." [H. Truman].

The most famous Presidential speech, the Gettysburg address, prays "that this nation; under God, shall have a new birth of freedom - and that government of the people, by the people, for the people shall not perish from the earth." [A. Lincoln 11/19/1863].

Nor can we neglect the Supreme Court Justices themselves. Justice Joseph Story in Commentaries on the Constitution of the Untied States [1833] concluded that a civilized society could not survive without providing for public worship, and that "The duty of supporting religion, and especially the Christian religion, is very different from the right to force the consciences of other men."

Justice John Jay declared: "And when you have done all things, then rely upon the good Providence of Almighty God for success, in full confidence that without his blessings, all our efforts will inevitably fail"

Justice William 0. Douglas was even more direct "Forbidding public worship discriminates in favor of those who believe in no religion over those who do believe."

Even our Common Law gives an official nod to the Deity by characterizing the overwhelming events of nature as the Act of God.

Perhaps the most significant God-document is the Declaration of Independence. It begins and ends with explicit invocations of God: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are. . . endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights. . . We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America. . . appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world. . . with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

Notwithstanding the overwhelming, narrow-minded, pretentious jingoism that the Pledge lawsuit has spawned, the reality is that God holds a deep and longstanding place in our nation's history. If we are to ban all references to God as unconstitutional, all of the above documents, oaths and traditions will have to be suppressed. It would be unfortunate to suppress the Declaration of Independence.

Western Mass. Law Tribune, August 2003, By JOHN CVEJANOVICH, attorney.
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enfant argues:
The decision is recent, so it is hardly notable that no court has followed it yet. You have not provided any examples of court opinions that have criticized it.
I'm sorry, you're just straight up mistaken. I offered you a Federal District Court opinion, in Eastern Virginia which found the Newdow decision, "entirely unpersuasive." Myers v. Loudoun County School Board, 251 F.Supp2d 1262. To my knowledge, the U.S. Sup. Ct. denied cert. in that case too, though I'm not entirely certain.

Additionally, I'll grant you its a year old, but I'm shocked that other suits have not cited this, at all, absent Myers. If its this "great, pinnacle" decision which some folks hail it as, wheres the support for it? Oh, I remember: in a few law reviews, and that's about it.

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You'll have to admit that he is the academic counterpart of Scalia. (You should not have a hard time admitting that, as it must be a compliment in your eyes.)
This is hilarious: another erroneous assumption from you. Allow me to correct your error: I am in no way a conservative. Not a chance. Simply arguing that the Ninth Circuit ignored centuries of precedent does not make me comparable to Antonin Scalia, whom I will recognize as one of the leading Constitutional scholars in this country right now, but definately am I nowhere near him. My God, think before you speak.

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in regards to other federal circuits citing Sherman, the Seventh Circuit case:
How many of those 50 are outside the 7th Circuit jurisdiction? (Of course, it is binding precedent for all district courts in the 7th Circuit.) Of those, how many are by other appellate courts? Really, only the last category has any relevance for the argument.
Well, lets see. The 1st Circuit has two, the 2nd Circuit has two, the 4th Circuit has two, the 5th Circuit has two, the 6th Circuit has two, the 8th Circuit has one, and finally the 9th Circuit has two. Is that good enough for you? I can provide citations if you want to read all those too, to cure your skepticism of Sherman being good law. Additionally, please remember that Sherman was denied cert., I guess the S. Ct. decided to pass on reinventing establishment clause jurisprudence, and thought Sherman was correctly decided.

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enfant states:
You either have no clue about the Judiciary, or are very dishonest. Denial of certiorari does not imply anything whatsoever about the merits of the case. The Supreme Court can grant certiorari only in a small fraction of petitions. It is entirely wrong to interpret denial of certiorari as agreement with the lower court's decision.
My God, more personal remarks. If you've studied the Judiciary, you would know there are numerous factors that usually get the S. Ct. to grant a case cert. One of the formost factors, in the mind of legal theorists, is conflict in the law between the federal Circuits. Establishment clause jurisprudence, as my evidence says, has been admittedly all over the map, its a wild issue: thus, the S. Ct. could've granted cert., but didn't.

To reason I could be "dishonest" because of making such a legal conclusion, that's a little much, but I'm coming to expect such errors from you. If you want to see how "honest" I'm being, I could pm you my notes from all my law school classes on the subject, I have them saved on the harddrive.

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So many errors of fact and logic (and spelling), and such a belligerent attidude. Let's see what we can do with this mess.
You needn't be hard on yourself Toto, and griping about a person's spelling errors... Jesus, don't you have anything better to say? And if I have a "belligerent" attitude, exactly what do you describe your and enfant's attitude as being?

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Toto:
Do you have an example of a court that has examined Newdow and rejected its line of reasoning?
Do you actually read what I type? Myers v. Loudoun, 251 F.Supp.2d 1262. Here's example number two: I've just found it...

"Six days before the 9th Circuit's February revision, an Alexandria federal judge upheld Virginia's 2001 requirement that students recite the Pledge of Allegiance each day. U.S. District Judge James C. Cacheris dismissed a lawsuit against Loudoun County schools and said reciting the Pledge is "necessary to the survival" of democracy. That verdict was guided by a 1992 ruling by the 7th Circuit upholding the Pledge in a Wheeling Township, Ill., case." - from the Washington Times, July 4, 2003. The article also mentions how *every* state governor is supposedly issuing a brief to the Court to review the decision.

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Toto:
Kmiec is a highly partisan advocate, entitled to be called a member of the "vast right wing conspiracy". What he says is worth reading, but must be treated as advocacy, not authority.
Much like Newdow is particularly biased, as are the few legal scholars putting out support of this wild decision: does that suffice to show the :banghead: - nature of your argument?

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Toto, whining about the evidence again:
Interesting credentials, but not overwhelmingly authoritative. I assume that the Nevada Lawyer is a publication of the Nevada State Bar, and not even a peer-reviewed law review type journal.
Do you actually want to bring evidence for this "skepticism?" Its on lexis as a law review, and the author is a JD, and former clerk for the State Supreme Court. Would you like to give *your* credentials in downplaying his?

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Another gripe with the law reviews:
Otherwise you have an article from the Entertainment Law Review of a second tier law school, and an article by David Barton?
You can read the law review for yourself if you want, he cites to numerous primary and other secondary sources to validate his arguments about Jefferson. The quote *in question,* from your website, concerns Madison, and I'm not entirely sure if that is evidence he maliciously used in any legal source to support an argument: it seems he just came out and said he believes it to be false. To my knowledge, and I

Additionally, here are the credentials of this Barton, from the law review (help to see if same guy):

"* David Barton is a consultant to state and federal legislators and has been involved in several federal court cases, including at the U.S. Supreme Court. He personally owns thousands of original documents from the Founding Era, including handwritten documents of the signers of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Barton has been appointed by State Educational Boards in California, Texas, and other states to help write the history and government standards for students in those states. He has served as an editor for national publishers of school history textbooks. Barton is the recipient of several national and international awards, including the Daughters of the American Revolution Medal of Honor, the George Washington Honor Medal, Who's Who in America (1999, 1997), Who's Who in the World (1999, 1996), Who's Who in American Education (1997, 1996), International Who's Who of Professionals (1996), Two Thousand Notable American Men Hall of Fame (1995), Who's Who Among Outstanding Americans (1994), Who's Who in the South and Southwest (2001, 1999, 1995), Outstanding Young Men in America (1990), and numerous other awards. He is the author of numerous books and holds a B.A. from Oral Roberts University and an Honorary Doctorate of Letters from Pensacola Christian College. "

That good enough for you, or are we going to quibble he wasn't voted "Outstanding Young Men in America" the subsequent year of '91 as well?

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don't let your law professors know that you actually said that denial of cert is equivalent to approval.
This is one of your many, just like enfant, comments that are not needed: they only exhibit your ability to be sarcastic, and not be serious about a debate. You falsify what I had stated: I did not say that it "is equivalent" to approval, I argued that denial of certain "could imply" such approval. Your hyperbolic, ridiculous claim only serves to further detract the discussion from the real issues, and instead you like to frequently, along with Mr. Enfant there, attack my legal education. Attack the argument: of which you're not doing too good of a job. Where is your evidence and citations for your arguments? Do you have any?

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This is opening up another topic completely. I will just say here that there are a lot of questions about what the founding fathers believed. Some were Deists. Some thought that religion was a good thing to keep the masses in line, but full of bunk. Some, like Washington, were careful to avoid public statements that would allow anyone to guess their religion.
Incorrect: this is the same topic. Examining the historical foundation of this nation is critical to examining Newdow and other cases. Note my evidence above, concerning the history of this nation. Do I need to start keeping a list?

1. Mayflower Compact
2. Decl. of Ind.
3. Lincoln @ Gettysburg
4. Congressional findings for 4 U.S.C. 4

Have you offered *anything* to show the contrary?

Additionally, if I'm cooking some hamburgers on the grill, and burn myself with some grease, and yell "Goddamnit!," have I just engaged in a religious act?

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I don't have time to track down the quotes, but Madison and Jefferson believed strongly that the government should not force religion down people's throats.
Note my above evidence, from Jefferson, concerning his "supposed contempt" of religion. I believe the author makes a convincing point, that although he was by no means a deist, he certainly wasn't an extreme secularist, and he recognized the importance of God in the founding of this nation. Why would he proclaim as much in the Declaration of Independance?

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In response to my Lee example:
That would be dicta, not a lot of powerful dictum. And they are not so powerful.

I would interpret "a relentless and all-pervasive effort to exclude religion from every aspect of public life" to include things like opposing the singing Christmas carols, displaying classical art with religious themes in state run museums and the like.

Forcing children to recite a Pledge that embodies a particular theology is in another category altogether.
You ignore, completely, my argument that S. Ct. dicta has alot of persuasive power, especially for inferior courts. Numerous cases that I have already cited have mentioned the fact that the S. Ct.'s dicta must be assumed as "the way the Court might decide this issue," and numerous activist decisions have relied on S. Ct. dicta to expand the law. Odd then, isn't it, that you now argue we should ignore dicta?

Additionally, this dicta that I have provided you, the four examples, seem to be *very* persuasive that the Court was wishing to tell the inferior Courts, "we wish to limit our holding: this does not expand to all areas of religion in the public life." In fact, O'Connor specifically has stated that she believes the Pledge to be constituitional. Again, I have a citation I have provided of 13 S. Ct. justices, 5 on the court, with Stevens a questionable, iffy sixth, to show that they believe the Pledge to be Constitutional. We'll see, come October, when they decide the issue of Newdow.

Additionally, the "pervasive" threat has been recognized in Newdow. Numerous law reviews speak to the danger that such a holding would give: threatening the teaching of the Decl. of Independance, and even the statement that the S. Ct. begins their session with: "God Save the United States and this Honorable court." If you don't see that as a consequence of Newdow, lets just take one of Newdow's own statements on the matter: "I want to see religion completely obliterated from the public sphere." He's made many statements of this kind in newspapers before. Its clear what his, and the Ninth Circuit's intentions are.

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This sort of patronizing remark is ill-suited to a serious discussion.
I could say the same of your remarks about my legal education.

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When I read the Sherwin [sic] decision, I see a court trying to find a rationale for a result they think they have to reach on political reasons. Talking about the Supreme Court pulling their legs is a little clue that they do not think the issue really worth taking seriously.
The Sherman decision seems very well reasoned to me. It quotes some of the historical arguments that Brennan, Goldberg, and Harlan have made in past decisions, it cites the dictum (the 4 passages I have given you) of the past decisions as authority that the S. Ct. does not intend for establishment clause cases to totally obliterate religion completely in the public light, and it certainly was a consensus decision. Their "pulling leg" statement has been praised by numerous law reviews as being a "cautious" inferior court, the direct contrast to the always-being-overturned 9-0 Ninth Court, which tries to act as if they know everything, and can dismiss S. Ct. precedent.

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In response to the Court's legitimacy argument:
<groan> So the Supreme Court has no army, and follows the last election (especially when they engineered it) and you want to elevate this cynical view of the law to the status of doctrine?
It sounds like you either don't know about, or have a certain revulsion for a sound, legal argument that has been made for years. Do you even know who Rosenberg is? Hollow Hope is required reading for almost any political science course on the judiciary.

If you want to find a current Supreme Court Justice's opinion on court legitimacy, go type "O'Connor Court Legitimacy" into findlaw.com or gigalaw.com, and see what comes up. Enjoy the reading.

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Besides, Newdow concerns a pledge that children must say if they want to join in a patriotic exercise. This is a far cry from "God Save this Honorable Court" which could very well be an empty exercise in ceremonial Deism, or even a "non-sectarian" prayer from a public chaplain that can be ignored or tuned out. It is completely different from the mere reading of an historical document such as the Declaration of Independence.
Exactly how is "Under God" in a Pledge distinguishable from "God Save this Honorable Court?" No court authority has offered such a proposition... some have offered the counter argument...

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So yes I say that God is not part of the Constitution. So do these authors: The Godless Constitution: the Case Against Religious Correctness by Isaac Kramnick, R. Laurence Moore.
Interesting, the weight of autority says otherwise. Of the creators of the Constitutions, the delegates of the Const. Convention, how many were *not* Christians again? Over half were lawyers, and the vast majority were Christians. Do you wish to debate this *historical fact*?

Additionally, note the following, which cited your source, and then made this conclusion:

"Despite these perceptions, and contrary to some contemporary thinking, religion and politics have an interwoven and long-standing tradition in American history. As recently noted by historian George Marsden, during the American colonial period it was assumed that religion and politics were inseparable. 5 This assumption was true not only of the early Puritan efforts to create a religiously grounded society, 6 but also of the later colonial experience, characterized by increased religious diversity and tolerance. Groups such as the Quakers and Baptists, strongly committed to the separation of church and state and religious tolerance, nevertheless viewed religion relevant to political reflection. 7 As religious diversity increased during this formative [*113] period, leading to greater tolerance for other sects, there was no question that religious beliefs could continue to inform and provide the basis for moral and concomitant political thought. "

- DePaul Law review, Fall 2000, Mark W. Cordes. I'm sure the DePaul Law review is an ok source, isn't it?

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Jefferson's metaphor correctly describes the First Amendment's prohibtion of any law regarding an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof. It has been recognized as such by Supreme Court holdings, not just dicta.
Correct, and that metaphor does not say there is complete seperation. Court cases, later, have stated that the intention of the seperation is not to be absolute: I believe I've cited Brennan making such an argument in this thread.

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We went through those findings of tradition, and most of them are distorted. The founders of the colonies often intended to establish theocracies. They enforced laws against blasphemy and put people to death for witchcraft. Luckily, we have gone beyond this.
The Congressional findings are from 2002, and help courts interpret the legislative intent of 4 USC 4. Unless you just want to ignore what they say, you cannot dismiss the historic tradition of this nation being a religious nation.

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You've got them in your pocket? Seriously, there are indications that the Supremes will reverse Newdow. Finding a coherent reason may be hard (but, as shown in Bush v. Gore, they don't need one.)
I've cited the other decisions to you, criticizing the holding of Newdow by following the decision in Sherman. Do you have *anything* supporting Newdow, from *any* Court? Court decisions this "groundbreaking" are cited very quickly, and its been about a year, and so far the only courts coming down on the issue are saying, "wrong."
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Old 07-17-2003, 01:53 PM   #23
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Originally posted by Leviathan
It is of importance to note that the Supreme Court denied cert. after Sherman was decided: implying it was correctly decided and they saw no conflict in the Establishment clause jurisprudence. 113 S. Ct. 2439.
Supreme Court Rule 10 leads off with:

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Review on a writ of certiorari is not a matter of right, but
of judicial discretion. A petition for a writ of certiorari will
be granted only for compelling reasons.
Thus, denial of the cert petition in Sherman simply means that something less than four justices found "compelling reasons" to review the case. It's firmly established that denial of certiorari is not a comment on the merits of a lower court's decision. I'm sure you're right about the Court finding no conflict, though. After all, Sherman was the only federal court of appeals case of its kind at that time.

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Originally posted by Leviathan
The Court in Newdow examined every test in Establishment clause jurisprudence, even quoting Justice O'Connor, when she has herself said she believes that "Under God" is constitutional (I've provided that citation).
Quick point of order: Newdow I both set forth and applied all three EC tests. Newdow II scaled that back considerably. The amended decision omitted the panel's earlier finding that the addition of "under God" to 4 U.S.C. sec. 4 was unconstitutional. Since Newdow II addresses only the school district Pledge recitation policy, it applies only the coersion test.

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Originally posted by Leviathan
Newdow had to refine his complaint to argue, not that his little girl was forced to stand and say the pledge, but that she's forced to "hear" it. Sorry, there's no case law on that, and all the dictum goes the other way.
To put a finer point on it, there's no Pledge-specific Supreme Court case law on this "forced to hear it" issue. However, Lee v. Weisman, 505 U.S. 577 (1992) is a reasonably close fit. From the majority opinion in that case:

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The undeniable fact is that the school district's supervision and control of a high school graduation ceremony places public pressure, as well as peer pressure, on attending students to stand as a group or, at least, maintain respectful silence during the invocation and benediction. This pressure, though subtle and indirect, can be as real as any overt compulsion. Of course, in our culture, standing or remaining silent can signify adherence to a view or simple respect for the views of others. And no doubt some persons who have no desire to join a prayer have little objection to standing as a sign of respect for those who do. But for the dissenter of high school age, who has a reasonable perception that she is being forced by the State to pray in a manner her conscience will not allow, the injury is no less real. * * *

Finding no violation under these circumstances would place objectors in the dilemma of participating, with all that implies, or protesting. We do not address whether that choice is acceptable if the affected citizens are mature adults, but we think the State may not, consistent with the Establishment Clause, place primary and secondary school children in this position. * * *
Not a perfect fit, of course, but it's pretty doggone close. After all, one of the reasons Justice Scalia dissented in Lee was his belief that an EC test focusing on psychological coersion leads logically to the conclusion that Pledge recitation in public schools is unconstitutional:

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The opinion manifests that the Court itself has not given careful consideration to its test of psychological coercion. For if it had, how could it observe, with no hint of concern or disapproval, that students stood for the Pledge of Allegiance, which immediately preceded Rabbi Gutterman's invocation? Ante, at 583. The government can, of course, no more coerce political orthodoxy than religious orthodoxy. Moreover, since the Pledge of Allegiance has been revised since Barnette to include the phrase "under God," recital of the Pledge would appear to raise the same Establishment Clause issue as the invocation and benediction. If students were psychologically coerced to remain standing during the invocation, they must also have been psychologically coerced, moments before, to stand for (and thereby, in the Court's view, take part in or appear to take part in) the Pledge. Must the Pledge therefore be barred from the public schools (both from graduation ceremonies and from the classroom)? In Barnette, we held that a public school student could not be compelled to recite the Pledge; we did not even hint that she could not be compelled to observe respectful silence - indeed, even to stand in respectful silence - when those who wished to recite it did so. Logically, that ought to be the next project for the Court's bulldozer.
In light of Scalia's predictive comments, it seems to me that the Newdow court's reliance on and application of Lee -- which is binding authority -- were eminently reasonable.
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Old 07-17-2003, 02:47 PM   #24
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Originally posted by Leviathan
I have a stack of articles at my disposal here, and a lexis account, and am more than happy to sift through the entire debate if you wish. I don't have to go back to school for another two weeks, my internship is winding down, and I'm honestly bored.
Finally a statement from you that is amply supported by evidence!

Unfortunately, I have a life. There is little time I can devote to this debate before midnight or so.
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Old 07-17-2003, 02:55 PM   #25
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Lev -

You have made some clear errors in regard to what denial of cert means. Just admit it and get on with it, or everyone will think you're just a blustery fraud.

And please don't think that just because you can point to a law review article that agrees with you, that you have "cited authority" for a proposition and everyone else should just concede - especially when one of the articles you cite is by that fraud David Barton, whose only real degree is a B.A. from Oral Roberts University.

Since this is a discussion board, it may take time for people to get around to all of your articles, especially since most of us are not sitting around bored with access to Lexis and a law library.


<mod hat on>
Please do not PM me any more about how unfair things are here. As a mod, I can't put you on ignore, but I really don't have time for your emotional outbursts.

You have said some insulting things here, and been needled in return, but nothing that rises to the level of insult that turns the discussion into a food fight. Nothing that I or anyone else have said compares to your describing the 9th circuit as kindergartners who can't color inside the lines. If you want to complain about the moderation, there is a separate forum called "Bugs, Complaints" or something like that. I will not answer any more of your PM's.

Toto, as moderator of CSSSA
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Old 07-17-2003, 05:12 PM   #26
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Super thread, (most) people. I chomp at the bit with no time to chew, but I do have to say that O'Connor's footnote in Wallace is the height of arbitrary caprice (and almost as bad as citing it ).
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Old 07-17-2003, 06:12 PM   #27
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Excuse me for having time off fellas, and posting a debate. You have a "life," excellent. No need to tell me you can't get to the debate: that's fine, I'm sure others will be able to discuss this cordially.

Toto, I'm going to address you first, b/c you just made (another) grave error, that shows you don't read my posts, and furthermore you ignore my evidence (these are facts, let me show you why).

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Nothing that I or anyone else have said compares to your describing the 9th circuit as kindergartners who can't color inside the lines.

Since this is a discussion board, it may take time for people to get around to all of your articles, especially since most of us are not sitting around bored with access to Lexis and a law library.
Error 1: And you're the one telling me to admit "errors?" I made a reasonable argument, concerning cert., on an *inference.* In contrast, you stated I was saying FOR CERTAIN that the S. Ct. denied cert. b/c they thought the law was right. I said that "could" be the case, not that it WAS.

Error 2: even more blatant. In response to your and enfant's personal attacks, I have patiently tried to give you more evidence and warrants for my argument. Your above quotation cites the "crayon" statement you believe I made. You should note, I did not make that remark, my source did. I find it very, very funny that you want to personally attack my legal education, on numerous incidents, and the least bit of sarcastic humour, from my source, not even from me, warrants your chastizement.

Should I expect you to fully recant your statement above, with an apology? No: but it does go to show you didn't read my post, and misinterpreted what I was saying, now doesn't it?

Lets just have a fun debate, ok? I'm a theist, I believe Newdow was wrong, you think the opposite. Fine, that's great: I'd rather talk to someone I disagree with than someone I agree with. No need for personal stuff, at all.

Stephen:

Thank you for the citation to a rule that says cert. is discretionary. My argument is that on errors of law which are hotly controversial, which the First Amendment, along with the Fourteenth are the most litigated, when the Court denies cert. in a case that was getting alot of public attention, I'd say we may be able to draw the reasonable inference that the Court is telling us there is no conflict in the law.

Do you agree?

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Stephen:
Quick point of order: Newdow I both set forth and applied all three EC tests. Newdow II scaled that back considerably. The amended decision omitted the panel's earlier finding that the addition of "under God" to 4 U.S.C. sec. 4 was unconstitutional. Since Newdow II addresses only the school district Pledge recitation policy, it applies only the coersion test.
Thank you for the correction. I was aware of Newdow II scaling back the decision, but I still believed that all of their analysis still applied, just only to the Ninth Circuit jurisdiction, instead of declaring outright 4 USC 4 being unconstitutional per se.

But I'm sure we can both agree, with both petitioner and respondent pressing the S. Ct. to review this case, when it is reviewed, don't you believe the Court will have to entertain Newdow's argument that its constitutional per se (Newdow I)?

Also Stephen, you are correct, I believe that Lee is about the closest thing to authority for this proposition. How do you reconcile the paragraphs you've just cited, with the 4 cases, of which Lee is one, that cautions inferior courts that the holding of Lee is to be restrained? Its to be restrained, b/c of opinions like O'Connor, Brennan, et. al, who argued that to rule with a more expansive holding, as Newdow is suggesting, is to expand the law to threaten even the Decl. of Independance, and of course the pledge. That's why O'Connor made her remark in Wallace, which I honestly don't see the "problem" with that citation, as others are stating, rather abruptly of course.

Scalia's dissent also seems to have predicted the issue coming to the forefront of American law. Funny, then, that the Seventh Circuit, and presumably others, interpreted the concurring and majority opinion in Lee to *constrain* that court's holding to the specific issue at hand. (I've only read Lee in other cases, not the whole opinion before. I'll try to read that tonight.}

Nice remarks.
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Old 07-17-2003, 06:37 PM   #28
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Lev - I see I misinterpreted the "crayon" remark. You did not clearly set it off as a quote. My comment stands that it does not contribute to a healthy dialogue, whether it is yours or the writers for the "Entertainment Law Review"; and I assume you would not have reprinted it here if you did not agree with it.

However, I think it is incorrect to draw any conclusion from the Supreme Court's denial of cert to the Seventh Circuit. You are now claiming that you only said that "could" indicate that the decision was correct, although from the number of times you have repeated the argument, it sounds like you give a high percentage to that probability.

If I criticize your arguments, you do not need to assume it is personal.

Please tell me why you list David Barton as an authority, and if he is your major source of information on church state separation.
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Old 07-17-2003, 08:09 PM   #29
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Just to clarify something about Sherman. While it has been cited quite a number of times, it’s almost without exception been cited by other 7th Circuit courts, which are bound by it, and for propositions other than anything to do with Under God in the pledge. If you eliminate the cases that cite Sherman that do not fall in either one of those two categories, you are left with exactly one case: American Civil Liberties Union of Ohio v. Capitol Square Review, 210 F.3d 703 (6th Cir. 2000). (The Ohio state motto was held unconstitutional, although the 6th Circuit approved of the holding in Sherman.) So, Newdow doesn’t have far to go before it is cited approvingly by other circuit courts to match the success of Sherman.

Leviathan said:

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Through precedent, courts have made a very persuasive argument that the mentioning of God in the Declaration of Independance, and other historical documents, along with the Pledge, is merely an act of remembrance, of what the nation was founded on.
Bzzz….sorry, try again. The pledge is different than those other historical documents. Perhaps you can explain this to me: When the Supreme Court states that the pledge is not descriptive, but idealistic, how does that square with your statement that the phrase “Under God” in the pledge is merely an act of remembrance? How does it square with the Court’s ruling that children should not be required to state the pledge because it would be prescribing what is “orthodox in politics”?

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Excellent, cite me to some court decisions that have quoted these secondary sources. Wait, there are none, absent Newdow. In contrast, I have 13 Supreme Court Justices, 5 on the court today (oops, there goes a win), that say Newdow was decided incorrectly.
Well great. Just point me to the case where each of those five current justices directly dealt with the issue and then it’s decided! Oh wait, they don’t exist. In an ideal world, those of us who have faith in the justice system, and after Bush v. Gore there seems to be less of us, believe that justices are capable of listening to good legal arguments and changing their minds. The issue has never been argued in front of the Supreme Court and the justices very well might change their mind once they are presented with the logic and force of the majority opinion in Newdow. They won’t, of course, and not because the logic of the decision isn’t sound, but because they would be strung up.

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And with all due respect, the man cites numerous S. Ct. cases for his propositions. Calling a Federal Judge "ignorant," when they have precedent on their side isn't exactly correct.
He’s ignorant about religion; it seems rather self-evident. Again, do you believe for a moment if a state required its children (with an opt out option) to recite a second pledge that stated “Under No Gods,” would it pass the coercion test? Or would that be “prescrib[ing] what shall be orthodox in politics, nationalism, religion or other matters of opinion, or force citizens to confess by word or act their faith therein”?

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And I'd just love to see this "well developed case law." All the case law cited in Newdow is distinguishable, on numerous grounds. Namely, it is distinguishable, b/c the Court has constrained its holdings to show that ceremonial acts such as the Pledge is not an endorsement of religion (note O'connor's concurrence in Wallace, as well as the fact that all the cases you are citing are speaking to coerced acts of religious faith, such as the forceable recitation of the Pledge. *That* is what those cases were decided upon, and Newdow is distinguishable b/c there is no coercion. Newdow had to refine his complaint to argue, not that his little girl was forced to stand and say the pledge, but that she's forced to "hear" it. Sorry, there's no case law on that, and all the dictum goes the other way.
But the court has already ruled that reciting the pledge is not a ceremonial act. And regardless, the only way a reference to God is viewed as ceremonial is because the Court seems to refuse to acknowledge there are a lot of religions out there that don’t recognize the existence of God or recognize the existence of many gods. They live in such a sheltered world that they seem to ignore the obvious fact, pointed out in Newdow, that a statement like Under God is religious because not all religions are monotheistic.

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Oh, so the Seventh Circuit, making the same argument Fernandez did, is wrong to?
Yes. Now you’re catching on!

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why did the S. Ct. deny cert. to the Seventh Circuit Sherman case?
Perhaps because the five Justices found no “compelling reasons” to do so.

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The "obvious fact" is that every utterance of God in public is not an act of religion.
Well, we agree on something at least.

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Fernandez hits the nail on the head when he writes that only a few, hypersensitive plaintiffs would find such acts as constituting religion, and only those individuals who are so dead set on destroying religion in the public sphere completely would make such an argument.
Can I play arm chair psychologist too? You realize how completely ridiculous this argument is, yes?

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Newdow is *questionable* law, for only the Ninth Circuit, in direct contravention to the other Federal Court of Appeals decisions, namely the 7th Circuit's Sherman decision. I have provided you numerous arguments, coupled with citations, to prove my argument.
Okay, then using the same standard, Sherman is “questionable law” since it is in direct contravention with another Federal Court of Appeals decision, namely the 9th Circuit’s Newdow decision.

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Barton's argument is essentially that Jefferson's historical actions would fail the Newdow tests; thus, Newdow misinterprets history in a very, very bad way.
In the same way that ratifiers of the 14th Amendment would fail the Brown test? (Something tells me Barton wouldn’t be bothered at all if separate but equal were still law.)

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Additionally, the "pervasive" threat has been recognized in Newdow. Numerous law reviews speak to the danger that such a holding would give: threatening the teaching of the Decl. of Independance, and even the statement that the S. Ct. begins their session with: "God Save the United States and this Honorable court." If you don't see that as a consequence of Newdow, lets just take one of Newdow's own statements on the matter: "I want to see religion completely obliterated from the public sphere." He's made many statements of this kind in newspapers before. Its clear what his, and the Ninth Circuit's intentions are.
I’d be curious how anyone who has even read Newdow can believe it can be stretched to cover the statement “God Save the United States and this Honorable court.” Ignoring for the moment that court doesn’t require people to say it, it has nothing at all to do with impressionable school children, which was one of the most important aspects of the court’s reasoning in Newdow. Are these the same people that believe Lawrence will lead to the end of the world?
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Old 07-17-2003, 08:39 PM   #30
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Leviathan:

What? O'Connor's reasons exemplify what the pledge is no more a prayer than me saying "Good morning class."
No, the pledge is no more a prayer than a teacher starting the day with, "Good morning class, and now we're going to begin a federally sanctioned recitation that demonstrates our allegience to our flag, the republic for which it stands, and the will of the Judeo-Christian God."

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Please note the bolded statement from Goldberg and Harlan, from above. Those statements imply there is no normative argument, in S. Ct. jurisprudence, that the US should take an active role in proclaiming such statements as "Under God" to be violative of the Establishment clause.
The real issue is that there is a constitutional argument that Congress should not take an active role in proclaiming such things as "The United States is subject to the will of the Judeo-Christian God." The courts wouldn't have to take issue with this if Congress wouldn't do things like that.


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Polls after Newdow showed that most people disapproved of the decision.
Polls for 200+ years have confirmed that, indeed, the majority of Americans cling to some form of Christian belief. How does this give Congress the authority to disregard the Constitution and legislate religious affirmations that disagree with the philosophies of tens of millions of its citizens, regardless of what the majority believe?


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Leviathan:

<snip statement of Founding Father hypocrisy>
Yes, the Founding Fathers and parts of the Constitution were indeed hypocritical and forced to make concessions to popular opinion that we consider wrong today. Consider the 3/5 compromise that gave slaveholding states extra legislative power even though those states refused to grant the slaves their human rights as guaranteed in the constitution. Consider the fact that Thomas Jefferson owned slaves (By the way, I've heard that Jefferson did not include a reference to any deity in the original drafts of the DoI, but that the more religiously-inclined Founding Fathers wished to include such a reference, but I'll have to check into that). Unfortunately, majority opinion can still function in oppressing various minorities. That's what the Constitution, including the First Amendment, was designed to protect.

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Until you show me some authority, absent this activist Ninth Circuit decision, I'm more inclined to see it as historical tradition, based upon the foundation of this country, moreso than "religious bias." The founding fathers stated God was a central part of this country, and then they created the Constitution. What you are telling me is that they are hypocrites, in constructing such a document, but then turning around and saying, "oh screw the establishment clause: I can still send missionaries and whatnot to the Indians." (Which, they did).

...

Through precedent, courts have made a very persuasive argument that the mentioning of God in the Declaration of Independance, and other historical documents, along with the Pledge, is merely an act of remembrance, of what the nation was founded on. Justice Brennan made such an argument, I believe, as well as other courts. To me, that makes a helluva lot more sense than the counterargument, that the utterance of "Under God" is somehow, though not explained how, a religious act. In contrast, it is a Pledge, a political act, and merely examines the history of this nation, which is that this nation was founded on the principle that God gave humanity their rights. You can disagree, as vehemently as you want, that you don't believe that, but there is *no question* what the founding fathers believed.
The pledge does not read, "I pledge allegience to... one Nation, which the majority of people believe is subject to the will of the Judeo-Christian God, but that a significant number of others believe is not," it simply declares "I pledge allegience to... one Nation, under God," no argument. It is an officially sanctioned statement of allegience pledging directly to the authority of the Judeo-Christian God and its recitation required to be lead during school in most states as well as being a requirement for gaining citizenship, it is not just a trivial acknowledgment of some peoples' tradition. Furthermore, the pledge was changed from its perfectly acceptable pre-1954 form in a stated effort to cram more religion down the collective throat of the people, not to recognize any historical traditions.

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Your interpretation of the Establishment clause would tell Thomas Jefferson and James Madison they were hypocrites, for establishing such a "wall" of seperation, and then making utterances to God. I have too many of these utterances to name, but if you want to read some of them, start with the Sherman decision, and then follow it up with Fernandez's dissent in Newdow.
There is no constitutional rule against public officials expressing belief in any particular religion. There is a constitutional rule that prevents public officials from using sectarian religion as the basis of policy, legislation, descrimination, and so on.

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Leviathan:

If you want examples of these warnings, start with Engel v. Vitale. The Court in this pinnacle decision made a special effort, in dictum, to state that all "religious" observances were not being targeted by the Court's holding. Hell, I'll just cite it for you:

"Nothng in the decision here should be deemed as inconsistent with the fact that school children and others are officially encouraged to express love for our country by reciting historical documents such as the Declaration of Independance which contains references to the Deity or by singing officially espoused anthems which include... professions of faith in a Supreme Being, or with the ... many manifestations in our public life of belief in God." - 370 U.S. 421, 435.
Obviously, no one is going to attempt to edit any religious references in original founding documents (although Fundamentalists would be glad to stick in a few explicit references to their religion). However, some people have succeeded in recently adding religious references to perfectly inclusive official statements of patriotism, and the reversal of this latter act is the issue at hand.

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You want another example? School District of Abington v. Schempp.

"Notably while Bible reading and Lord's Prayer were deemed impermissible due to their wholly 'religious character' those portions of the statute regarding the Pledge escaped unscathed. In a concurring opinion, even Justice Brennan warned against any 'attempt to impose rigid limits upon the mention of God... in the classroom' as potentially 'fraught with dangers'. Brennan noted that the ''referance to divinity in the revised pledge... may merely recognize historical fact that our Nation was believed to have been founded Under God.' Thus reciting the pledge may be no more of a religious exercise than the reading aloud of Lincoln's Gettysburg Address, which contains a [similar] allusion."
As I have shown above, the pledge is a far cry from a mere recognization that many people believe in the Judeo-Christian God. It includes a recently added and officially sanctioned pledge of allegience to a particular class of deity. Again, it's called "The Pledge of Allegience" and not "Things that some people believe." Lincoln's Gettysburg Address is not law and is obviously Lincoln's personal opinion. In Examining the Gettysburg Address, students do not have to affirm any belief in Lincoln's deity.

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Alright, one more example, and this one is very damning to Newdow, as its decision is rested mostly on the Court's decision in Lee v. Weisman.

"The Court, once again, stressed the limitations of its holding, noting that it was not ruling 'that every state action implicating religion is invalid' even if some citizens find it offensive. Rather, the Court noted, 'a relentless and all-pervasive attempt to exclude religion from every aspect of public life could itself befcome inconsistent with the Constitution'."
How is this applicable to Newdow? Newdow challenges a specific law which strongly encourages children (and requires those applying for citizenship) to pledge allegience to the sovreignity of a particular deity. Newdow is not challenging the right of public officials to believe what they wish or even make statements based on their beliefs, it is challenging the infraction of legislators who wish to impose their beliefs through law.

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Leviathan quoting AMVETS:

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AMVETS (American Veterans) today called on the U.S. Supreme Court to overturn the 2002 decision of the Ninth Circuit Court of Appeals that the words "under God" in the Pledge of Allegiance in schools is unconstitutional.

In a letter to Chief Justice William H. Rehnquist, AMVETS National Commander W.G. "Bill" Kilgore wrote that the case, Newdow v. U.S. Congress decided by the Ninth Circuit, would "set a terrible precedent in law."

The Ninth Circuit refused to rehear the suit, brought by Michael Newdow whose daughter attends public school in California, after it was upheld by a three-judge panel. Kilgore said, "The Ninth Circuit's action prevents all children under its jurisdiction from the right to freely express their religion."

The AMVETS leader went on to say, "God and reverence for Him has been with this nation since its founding and pronounced in that founding by the people and our elected leaders. We, and especially our children, should be free to honor His presence in our public places."
AMVETS is right that this case involves a violation of the right to free exercise, but they are wrong in saying that the violation is on the part of those wishing to remove the 1954 violation! The 1954 law establishing "under God" restricts the right of non-Judeo-Christian believers to declare their personal religious convictions involving the country. This law is an unconstitutional violation of both the establishment clause and the right to free exercise! There is no attempt being made by Newdow to restrict free exercise, on the contrary, free exercise shall be more open to everyone in expressions of patriotism if "under God" is removed from the pledge.

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Leviathan quoting JOHN CVEJANOVICH:

The fact is: God has had a long, firm place in our government and our law. Before we delete God from the Pledge, or the Pledge from the government, we should consider the depth and breadth of God's stamp on our nation: Our money says In God We Trust.
And another constitutional violation is supposed to make up for the one in the pledge? Yes, most people here probably feel that religion grafting itself on our mandatory currency is another violation of the establishment clause.

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Leviathan quoting JOHN CVEJANOVICH:

Every day, by federal and state law every court in America declares the authority of God. The oath administered to witnesses in trials asks: Do you solemnly swear that your testimony at this trial will be the truth and nothing but the truth so help you God?
And the moronic statements continue... this is an anachronistic practice that is not mandatory and is not often worded in that fashion even in many rural southern Bible Belt courts. In addition, no where in the constitution does the phrase "so help me God" appear... any officials who include this in their oath of public office are ad-libbing.

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<random religious presidential remarks snipped>
That's great that we've had religious presidents who are free to express their views. What does this have to do with legislating religion?

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Perhaps the most significant God-document is the Declaration of Independence. It begins and ends with explicit invocations of God: We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are. . . endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable Rights. . . We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America. . . appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world. . . with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.
Right, because everyone knows that the examination of historic documents is the same thing as pledging allegience to God.

"The clergy, by getting themselves established by law and ingrafted into the machine of government, have been a very formidable engine against the civil and religious rights of man" - Thomas Jefferson to Jeremiah Moor, August 14, 1800
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